VoxModify

2025-12-09 04:20:00

2025年12月6日，美国总统唐纳德·特朗普在白宫椭圆形办公室发表讲话，参加2025年肯尼迪中心荣誉奖的授勋仪式。| Aaron Schwartz/Getty Images

在周日夜晚，特朗普在华盛顿特区登台主持一年一度的肯尼迪中心荣誉奖。以往总统通常会出席这一奖项，但特朗普在上一任期曾拒绝参加。如今，他已清洗了该中心一贯的跨党派董事会，将自己安插为主席，成为首位主持该活动的总统。对特朗普而言，这不仅是一次对“觉醒”好莱坞的报复，更是为了证明自己作为电视主持人的魅力。在活动前的周六，特朗普曾评论道：“我看过一些主持人，比如吉米·金姆尔，他主持得非常糟糕。如果我无法在才艺上胜过金姆尔，那我就不该当总统。”

金姆尔从未主持过肯尼迪中心荣誉奖，但他曾在2014年作为对大卫·莱特曼的致敬环节登台。金姆尔曾主持奥斯卡颁奖典礼，特朗普似乎认为肯尼迪中心荣誉奖是他的“等价物”。更重要的是，金姆尔一直是特朗普的公开批评者，而特朗普也对金姆尔充满敌意。今年9月，他们的争执达到顶峰，当时金姆尔因在ABC脱口秀节目中错误地暗示查理·克里克的凶手与“MAGA”有关，迪士尼-ABC似乎为了讨好特朗普而短暂解雇了他。

特朗普以他一贯的敏感和自恋性格，似乎将肯尼迪中心荣誉奖视为一次超越金姆尔的机会，希望借此展示自己的幽默感和吸引力，并主持一个更受尊敬的活动。（公平地说，特朗普直接对观众说“你们很多人都是可怜的、糟糕的人”，这句话确实颇具喜剧效果。）

如今，特朗普坐在椭圆形办公室中，这个他重新设计的场所，他正试图重塑白宫并考虑发动对外战争。然而，他似乎仍不满足于仅作为总统的身份。他必须同时成为一位优秀的电视明星，赢得文化精英的认可，而这正是他永远无法获得的东西。这种笨拙地争夺认可的行为，某种程度上体现了MAGA运动的现状：由于右翼无法自然地获得左翼所拥有的文化影响力，他们必须通过政治权力或金钱来获取。

埃隆·马斯克将Twitter转变为X，就是这种策略的一个例子。右翼社交媒体从未像Twitter在巅峰时期那样在精英群体中获得主流地位，因此马斯克选择直接收购Twitter，并将其改造成一个允许种族歧视言论但禁止使用“cis”一词的平台。

金姆尔的短暂离职则展示了另一种策略。正如保守派作家塔纳·格里尔在9月对Vox的扎克·比彻姆所言，右翼人物认为金姆尔关于克里克凶手的虚假指控与2020年乔治·弗洛伊德抗议期间的反黑人生活运动言论一样令人反感。他们也清楚，若要从底层发起对金姆尔的抗议，需要的公众支持是他们无法拥有的。而他们拥有的，是总统。格里尔告诉Vox：“他们记得2020年，如果吉米·金姆尔反对黑人生活运动，他就会被从电视上撤下，而无需任何抗议。我们没有这样的激进网络，但我们有政府。因此，我们应该尝试创造与‘大觉醒’时期左翼所经历的结构性文化变革类似的改变。”

这一策略的核心是用政府的强硬权力取代说服力和赢得大众支持的软实力。在过去的十年里，右翼一直指责左翼是依靠社交媒体霸凌和取消文化来统治的群体。如今，右翼试图通过更严厉的手段，如威胁高额罚款和监禁，来匹配左翼的文化影响力。

这并不意味着右翼根本不受欢迎。他们拥有热情的支持者，从而赢得了政府各个部门的青睐。特朗普的核心支持者非常忠诚，他在2024年赢得了普选票。他们的运动确实有真实的支持者，并在流行文化中那些边缘但极具人气的外人中取得了进展，比如乔·罗根和西奥·冯。但他们都无法获得特朗普最渴望的东西——主流文化精英的认可，以及那些广受喜爱的文化偶像所拥有的魅力。

发现自己无法赢得这种认可，他们便试图通过施压来获得。特朗普曾是一位电视明星，但从未受欢迎到足以主持奥斯卡颁奖典礼：他太古怪、太刻薄和种族主义，也容易脱口说出引发负面新闻的言论。因此，他选择成为总统，解雇了政府文化机构的董事会，并自任主席。这种做法是否足以满足他？

On Sunday night, President Donald Trump took to the stage in Washington, DC to host the annual Kennedy Center Honors. Presidents traditionally attend the awards, although Trump declined to do so in his first term. Now, after purging the Center’s traditionally bipartisan board of ideological rivals and installing himself as chair, Trump has become the first president to emcee the night. For Trump, the event seems to have been an opportunity not just for vengeance against “woke” Hollywood but for vindication of his own cachet as a TV host.

“I’ve watched some of the people that host,” remarked Trump, former Apprentice host, on the Saturday before the event. “Jimmy Kimmel was horrible. If I can’t beat out Jimmy Kimmel in terms of talent, then I don’t think I should be president.”

Kimmel has never hosted the Kennedy Center Honors, although he appeared onstage in 2014 as part of a tribute to David Letterman. Kimmel has, however, hosted the Oscars, and Trump appears to have decided that the Kennedy Center Honors are his equivalent. More importantly, Kimmel has been a vocal Trump critic, and Trump, in his turn, has been vocal in his hatred of Kimmel. In September, their feud climaxed when Kimmel was briefly suspended from his ABC talk show, in an apparent bid for Trump’s favor by Disney-ABC, after the comedian falsely suggested that Charlie Kirk’s assassin was associated with MAGA. 

Trump, with his characteristic thin-skinned narcissism, seems to have taken the Kennedy Center Honors as a chance for him to one-up Kimmel, to be funnier and more attention-grabbing and to host a more prestigious event. (In fairness to Trump, his line “many of you are miserable, horrible people,” delivered directly to the audience in apparent earnest, was genuinely quite funny.) 

The power of sitting in the Oval Office, now redesigned to his liking as he reshapes the White House and flirts with declaring foreign wars, is not quite enough for Trump. He cannot just be president. He also has to be a good TV star. He has to win the approval of the culturati, which is the one thing he will never quite get. 

It is this clumsy muscling for approval, in many ways, that characterizes this phase of MAGA: the sense that since the right cannot naturally command the cultural cachet that the left has won, they will have to take it for themselves, with political might or with cold hard cash. Elon Musk’s transformation of Twitter into X is one version of this strategy. Right-wing social media networks have never gone mainstream among elite audiences the way Twitter did at its peak, so instead of building a new one, Musk simply bought it. Then he remade it as a place where racial slurs are acceptable, but use of the word “cis” is grounds for banning. 

Kimmel’s brief ousting shows another version of this strategy. As the conservative essayist Tanner Greer explained to Vox’s Zack Beauchamp in September, right-wing figures thought Kimmel’s false claims about Kirk’s assassin were just as offensive as an anti-Black Lives Matter statement would have been during the George Floyd protests of 2020. They also knew they didn’t have the public support it would take to create an outcry against Kimmel from the ground up. What they had, instead, was the president.

“They remember 2020, and they feel like if Jimmy Kimmel had gone against Black Lives Matter, he would’ve been taken off the air without the state,” Greer told Vox. “And we don’t have that same activist network [as the left], but we do have the state. And so we should try to create the same sort of structural cultural change that was imposed upon us in the Great Awokening.” 

The idea here is to replace the soft power of persuasion and earned popular support with the hard power of government. After spending a decade decrying the left as a bunch of social media bullies ruling by public shaming and cancellation, the right is attempting to match the left’s cultural power through the objectively much harsher mechanisms of threatening heavy fines and jail time. 

This is not to say that the right is fundamentally unpopular. It takes fervent supporters to win over every branch of government, as the right has. Trump’s core supporters are famously committed, and he won the popular vote in 2024. Their movement has real adherents, and it has made real inroads among the edgy-hip hugely popular outsiders of popular culture, where the Joe Rogans and the Theo Vons live. 

But they still don’t have the thing Trump craves most of all, which is mainstream, middle-of-the-culture approval. Acceptance among widely beloved cultural elites. The sheen of movie star cool. Finding themselves unable to earn it, they are attempting to bully their way toward it instead. 

Trump was a TV star, but he was never popular enough to get a job hosting the Oscars: too weird, too mean and racist, too liable to go off script and say something that made bad headlines. So instead he became president, fired the board of the government’s central cultural institution, and installed himself as head and de facto host instead. 

Will that ever be enough for him? 

2025-12-09 02:55:00

表面上看，特朗普诉沙勒（Trump v. Slaughter）似乎是一起关于总统权力的案件，但最高法院可能借此机会扩大自身的权力。如果你关注了最高法院近期关于总统权力的案件，就不难理解法院在特朗普诉沙勒案中的最终裁决。该案的核心问题是，总统唐纳德·特朗普是否有权解雇几位受联邦法律保护不得被解雇的高级联邦官员。

最高法院的共和党多数法官都是“单一行政权”理论的坚定支持者，该理论主张总统可以解雇任何联邦机构的负责人。在沙勒案中，法院面临的问题是，宪法是否允许特朗普解雇前联邦贸易委员会（FTC）委员丽贝卡·沙勒。九月份，共和党法官已通过临时裁决认定特朗普有权解雇沙勒。尽管周一上午法院听取了该案的口头辩论，但这场辩论更像是政治表演，最终裁决几乎注定会支持特朗普永久解雇沙勒。

虽然表面上看沙勒案是关于总统权力的，但几位关键法官似乎对赋予特朗普所寻求的权力感到满意，因为他们认为最高法院本身仍是总统的制衡力量。换句话说，最高法院的共和党多数派计划将三权分立重新构建成一种等级体系：国会创建的“独立”机构的权力将让位于更强大的总统，而总统的权力又将让位于更强大的最高法院。

自20世纪80年代以来，共和党法官一直试图实现这一目标。在1935年的“汉弗莱执行官案”（Humphrey’s Executor v. United States）中，最高法院曾裁定，国会有时可以创建由多名成员组成的联邦机构，这些机构在一定程度上独立于总统。虽然这些机构的领导人通常由总统提名并经参议院确认，但联邦法律禁止总统仅因不同意其政策观点而解雇这些领导人。例如，根据法律，联邦贸易委员会（FTC）委员只能因“效率低下、失职或滥用职权”而被解雇。

“单一行政权”理论认为，汉弗莱执行官案的裁决是错误的。该理论援引宪法中的一句话：“总统拥有全部行政权力。”正如大法官安东宁·斯卡利亚在1988年的一份反对意见中所写，这句话“并不意味着部分行政权力，而是全部行政权力”属于总统。因此，特朗普应有权解雇任何拥有“行政”权力的机构负责人。

周一的口头辩论几乎没有疑问地表明，最高法院的六位共和党法官——他们都曾在过去支持“单一行政权”理论——认同斯卡利亚的观点。首席大法官约翰·罗伯茨甚至称汉弗莱执行官案的裁决是“干瘪的外壳”。显然，共和党法官对这个九十年前的裁决非常不满。

尽管如此，一些共和党法官也表达了对“单一行政权”理论后果的担忧。例如，今年5月，法院表示将豁免联邦储备系统（Fed）不受该理论约束，防止特朗普解雇Fed的领导人，因为“联邦储备系统是一个结构独特的准私营实体，遵循第一和第二美国银行的历史传统”。虽然这些话的具体含义尚不明确，但大法官布雷特·卡瓦诺似乎非常重视，他在辩论中告诉司法部长约翰·索尔，他对赋予特朗普对Fed的完全控制权有“担忧”。因为Fed有权通过临时刺激经济来影响经济，这可能在总统任期结束后带来严重后果。因此，如果总统可以解雇Fed的负责人，他可能会在选举年施压Fed官员采取有利于他的经济政策。

同样，大法官塞缪尔·阿利托询问了所谓的“第一修正案法院”，例如美国税务法院或美国武装部队上诉法院，这些法院像普通司法机构一样处理案件，但严格来说并不属于司法部门。总统是否有权解雇这些法院的法官，即使是为了施压他们改变法律解释？

罗伯茨还提出了一个假设性问题：如果一个机构大部分时间用于处理个人案件，但偶尔行使“行政”权力，是否必须完全由总统控制？由于宪法并未明确界定“行政”权力的范围，因此很难判断哪些政府职能属于“行政”范畴。这正是“单一行政权”理论的难点所在。

然而，几位共和党大法官提出了一个简单的解决方案：他们可以在沙勒案中随意裁决，因为如果未来出现其他案件，他们可以据此调整对总统权力的限制。大法官阿利托建议，最高法院可以不在此案中解决有关Fed或军事上诉法院的问题，从而保留更复杂的问题。但正如大法官艾琳娜·卡根指出的，这种做法无法永远回避问题。她说：“逻辑会有后果。”如果法院对宪法的解释适用于FTC和Fed，那么法院必须对两者一视同仁。

尽管如此，大法官戈萨奇和卡瓦诺提出了另一种解决方案：如果未来某位总统的行为让他们不满，他们可以直接否决。戈萨奇希望恢复“非授权立法”原则，该原则曾在1935年被法院短暂使用，以否决赋予罗斯福总统广泛权力的两部法律，但此后九十年间被搁置。而卡瓦诺则倾向于使用“重大问题原则”，该原则允许法官否决他们认为后果严重的总统决定。尽管“重大问题原则”是新提出的，且至今只被用于否决过一位总统——乔·拜登，但无论法院是恢复旧原则还是使用新理论，其实际效果都是相同的：赋予总统对联邦机构领导人的完全控制权，同时让法院拥有否决总统使用这些权力的权力。

因此，虽然沙勒案表面上是关于总统权力的，但最高法院似乎更倾向于借此机会扩大自身的权力。特朗普几乎肯定会获得解雇沙勒的权力，但前提是最高法院是总统的上级。只要特朗普仍是总统，这种权力转移可能不会产生太大影响。然而，特朗普不会永远担任总统，而戈萨奇和卡瓦诺的方案将赋予最高法院巨大的权力，以阻碍未来的民主党总统。

If you’ve followed the Supreme Court’s recent presidential power cases, you know there’s no mystery surrounding the Court’s eventual decision in Trump v. Slaughter, a case asking if President Donald Trump may fire several high-ranking federal officials who are protected from being terminated by federal law. 

All six members of the Court’s Republican majority are devout acolytes of the “unitary executive,” a legal theory that claims the president may fire nearly anyone who leads a federal agency. The specific question before the Court in Slaughter is whether the Constitution permitted Trump to fire Rebecca Slaughter, who previously served as one of five commissioners on the Federal Trade Commission.

The Republican justices already concluded, albeit in a temporary order, that Trump may fire Slaughter in an order handed down in September. Though the justices heard oral argument in the Slaughter case on Monday morning, that argument is largely political theater preceding the Court’s inevitable decision that Slaughter may be fired permanently.

While on its face the Slaughter case is a case about presidential power, a few key justices signaled that they are comfortable giving Trump the power he seeks in this case because the Court will itself remain a check on the president. 

The Court’s Republican majority, in other words, plans to remake the separation of powers among the three US branches of government into a kind of hierarchy. Under this new vision, Congress’s power to create “independent” agencies that enjoy some insulation from the president must yield to a more powerful executive. And the executive’s authority over these agencies must, in turn, yield to a more powerful Supreme Court.

Slaughter lets the Republican justices achieve a goal they’ve sought since the 1980s

Ninety years ago, in Humphrey’s Executor v. United States (1935), the Supreme Court held that Congress may sometimes create federal agencies, led by multimember boards, that act with a degree of autonomy from the president. Although the leaders of these agencies are typically nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate, federal law forbids the president from firing these agency leaders simply because he disagrees with their policy views. By law, FTC commissioners may only be fired “for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office.”

The “unitary executive” theory, meanwhile, claims that Humphrey’s Executor was wrongly decided. Proponents of this theory point to a line in the Constitution that states “the executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America.” As Justice Antonin Scalia wrote in an influential 1988 dissenting opinion, this line “does not mean some of the executive power, but all of the executive power” belongs to the president. And thus Trump must have the power to fire any agency leader who wields power that is “executive” in nature.

Monday’s oral argument in Slaughter left little doubt that all six of the Court’s Republicans — all of whom have signed onto decisions embracing this unitary executive theory in the past — share Scalia’s view of the Constitution. Chief Justice John Roberts even referred to Humphrey’s Executor as a “dried husk.” The Court’s GOP majority really hates that nine-decade-old decision.

That said, some of the Court’s Republicans did express concerns about the implications of the unitary executive. In May, for example, the Court signaled that it will exempt the Federal Reserve from the unitary executive, preventing Trump from firing its leaders, because “the Federal Reserve is a uniquely structured, quasi-private entity that follows in the distinct historical tradition of the First and Second Banks of the United States.”

While it’s not entirely clear what those words mean, Justice Brett Kavanaugh apparently takes them very seriously. During the argument, he told Solicitor General John Sauer that he has “concerns” about giving Trump full control over the Fed. 

The Fed has the power to temporarily stimulate the economy in ways that can cause serious economic damage down the road. So, if the president could fire Fed governors, he could pressure them to boost the economy during an election year, giving the president a temporary political advantage with consequences that may not be felt until after the president leaves office.

Similarly, Justice Samuel Alito asked about so called “Article I courts,” such as the US Tax Court or the United States Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, which adjudicate cases just like any other judicial body, but that are technically not part of the judicial branch (which is created by Article III of the Constitution). Must the president have the power to fire judges on these courts, even if he does so to pressure them to change their interpretation of the law? 

In a related vein, Roberts asked whether a hypothetical agency that spends most of its time adjudicating individual cases, but that occasionally wields “executive” power, must be fully controlled by the president.

A major reason why it is difficult to determine which agencies should be under the president’s full control under the unitary executive theory is that the Constitution does not define key terms like the word “executive.” 

Recall that this theory derives from a line in the Constitution giving all “executive power” to the president. There is considerable evidence, however, that the framers did not have a firm grasp on what powers are “executive” in nature when they wrote the Constitution. And they certainly did not draw the lines in the same place that the Court’s current majority does.

The Republican justices have held, for example, that the power to prosecute crimes is a “quintessentially executive function.” But, in the early United States, federal prosecutions were often led by private attorneys or by lawyers appointed by judges. Indeed, the latter still happens today. Current US law sometimes gives federal district judges the power to appoint federal prosecutors.

So even if you accept the premise of the unitary executive — that Trump must have full control over all officials who do “executive” things — no one really knows what sort of government functions qualify as “executive.”

This might seem like a difficult problem for the Court’s unitary executive stans to overcome, but several of the Republican justices offered a simple solution to this problem: They can just rule however they want in Slaughter, because if another case comes up in the future where they want to limit the president’s power, they can just rule differently in that case.

How the justices are likely to use Slaughter to enhance their own power

Alito proposed one simple step the Court could take to preserve the Court’s power to protect the Federal Reserve or the military’s appeals court: It could simply not decide those issues in Slaughter. At one point, he asked Sauer to suggest language that the Court could insert into its Slaughter opinion that would leave harder questions arising under the unitary executive unresolved.

Of course, as Justice Elena Kagan pointed out, kicking the can down the road in this way can’t work forever. “Logic has consequences,” in the Supreme Court, Kagan said in response to Alito. And if the Court hands down a theory of the Constitution that should apply equally to both the FTC and the Fed, the Court is supposed to apply that theory equally to both agencies.

Both Justice Neil Gorsuch and Kavanaugh, however, floated a separate solution to this problem: If a future president ever does something the justices don’t like, the justices can just veto it.

For what it is worth, Gorsuch and Kavanaugh seemed to disagree slightly about how they should exercise this veto. Gorsuch wants to revive something called the Nondelegation Doctrine, which the Court briefly used in 1935 to veto two laws giving broad power to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, before abandoning Nondelegation for the next nine decades. Kavanaugh, meanwhile, would rely on the “major questions doctrine,” a legal doctrine that permits the justices to veto any presidential decision they decide is too consequential. 

This major questions doctrine is brand new and has only ever been used against one president: Joe Biden.

But, regardless of whether the Court revives a dead doctrine or relies on something they recently invented, the practical implications of Gorsuch and Kavanaugh’s approaches are the same. They would give the president full control over who leads federal agencies, but also give themselves a veto power over anything the president does with those agencies.

So, while Slaughter appears to be a case about presidential power on its surface, this Court appears likely to use it to grow its own power. Trump will almost certainly win the power to fire Slaughter. But on the condition that the Supreme Court is the president’s boss.

So long as Trump is president, this shift in power may not matter. The Republican justices have largely acted as rubber stamps for nearly anything Trump wants to do. But Trump won’t be president forever. And Gorsuch and Kavanaugh’s approach will give this Court massive authority to sabotage a future Democratic president.

2025-12-08 21:00:00

在马达加斯加的安博希坦特莱（Ambohitantely）特殊保护区，有一片被称为“à corne de globe”的独特地貌，位于马达加斯加中部的高原地区。这片区域以其丰富的生物多样性而闻名，包括许多稀有物种，如特有鸟类和植物。保护这些物种是当地的重要任务，因为它们在生态系统中扮演着关键角色。

“à corne de globe”这一名称来源于其独特的地形特征，类似于牛角的形状。该地区是马达加斯加生物多样性最丰富的区域之一，拥有大量特有物种，如“Perinet”这种独特的树种，以及许多其他动植物。这些物种的生存依赖于该地区的自然环境，因此保护工作至关重要。

自1989年以来，安博希坦特莱的保护工作一直由马达加斯加国家公园（Madagascar National Parks, MNP）负责。然而，由于气候变化的影响，特别是气温上升，该地区的生态系统正面临威胁。例如，自1980年以来，气温上升了1摄氏度，这对当地物种的生存构成了挑战。

Steve Goodman，自然历史博物馆的研究员表示：“我们必须保护这些独特的自然环境，因为它们对维持生物多样性至关重要。”此外，科学家、研究人员和当地社区都在努力保护这一地区，包括通过建立保护区、进行科学研究以及实施保护措施。

为了更好地保护这些物种，需要采取多种措施，如限制开发、加强监测和研究，以及提高公众意识。同时，也需要与其他国家和国际组织合作，共同应对气候变化带来的挑战。目前，安博希坦特莱的保护工作仍在继续，但仍然面临许多困难和挑战。

AFOVOANTANY, Madagasikara— Akaiky ny lelafo. Nanazava ny lanitra amin’ny alina ilay doro-tanety noho ny setroka miloko volomboasary, ka nifindra tahaka ny lava mikoriana manaraka ireo havoana, tokony ho kilaometatra vitsivitsy monja miala teto.

Nijery an’ilay afo avy teny amoron’nyala matevina aho, taty amin’ny faritra afovoantanin’i Madagasikara, ora vitsivitsy avaratra-andrefana miala an’Antananarivo, renivohitrin’i Madagasikara. Toerana manokana izy io. Ity dia iray amin’ireo ala sisa tavela eny amin’ny faritra afovoan’i Madagasikara — faritra rava noho ny fandripahana ala nandritra ny taona maro — ary fonenan’ny biby tsy fahita firy, anisan’izany karazana tanalahy maro.

Ity ala ity, izay misy karazan-kazo mihoatra ny 400, dia mbola misy noho ny fiarovana azy nandritra ny am-polo taona maro. Anisan’ny valan-javaboahary antsoina hoe “Réserve Spéciale” Ambohitantely izy, izay nahavita nampihena ny fanapahana hazo tsy ara-dalàna, ny fanaovana tavy ho an’ny fambolena, sy ireo antony hafa nandrava ny ala manodidina sy ny ala maro manerana an’i Madagasikara.

Araka ny hitako tamin’iny alina iny anefa, na ny fiarovana tontolo iainana tsara indrindra aza dia misy fetrany, indrindra rehefa mihamafana ny tany.

Ankehitriny, mba hiarovana ny rohivoahary tahaka izao — sy hamonjena ireo biby anisan’ny mahavariana indrindra eto an-tany — dia mila fomba fiasa mavitrika kokoa.

Raha sendra mahita biby dia any an’ala ianao eto Madagasikara, matetika tsy misy any an-kafa mihitsy eto an-tany izany biby izany. Madagasikara, izay nosy lehibe iray any atsinanan’i Afrika, dia efa voasaraka tamin’ny tany hafa nandritra ny an-tapitrisa taona, ka nanome fotoana lava ho an’ny biby eto hiova ho karazana vaovao. Izany no antony mahatonga ny hoe manodidina ny 90 isan-jaton’ny zavamaniry sy biby eto amin’ny firenena no tsy misy raha tsy eto ihany, izany hoe tsy misy any an-kafa — anisan’izany ny gidro rehetra sy sy saika ny antsasaky ny tanalahy mihoatra ny 200 karazana eran-tany. 

Ny “Réserve Spéciale” Ambohitantely dia toerana tena ahitana izany roa izany betsaka.

Tamin’ny alina mangatsiaka iray tamin’ny volana Septambra, amin’ny fiafaran’ny ririnina eto Madagasikara, dia nandeha an-tongotra tao anaty alan’i Ambohitantely aho niaraka tamin’i Fandresena Rakotoarimalala, mpikaroka manao doktorà ao amin’ny Oniversiten’Antananarivo izay mianatra momba ny tanalahy ao amin’ilay faritra arovana. Malaza fa mahay miafina tsara ny tanalahy — ny mampiavaka azy ireo, mazava ho azy, dia ny fahaizany mifangaro amin’ny tontolo iainany. Fa rehefa tratran’ny hazavan’ny jiro izy ireo, dia miseho fotsifotsy izy ireo, ka lasa mora hita lavitra. Izany no antony nandehananay amin’ny alina.

Nandeha moramora izahay tao anaty ala, nitsilo ny ravinkazo tamin’ny jironay no sady nandroaka moka sy bibikely mitangorona eo amin’ny hazavana. Nandre fihorakorahan’ny gidro teny ambony izahay. Nisy fotoana, sendra nahita trandraka izahay — biby mandady misy tsilo tahaka ny sora kely — nivezivezy tao anaty ala.

Tahaka ny karazana biby malaza maro eto Madagasikara, dia tandindomin-doza ihany koa ny tanalahy. Manodidina ny 100 ny karazana tanalahy eto amin’ity nosy ity, ary saika ny antsasany dia tandindomin-doza ho ringana, indrindra noho ny fahaverezan’ny toeram-ponenany, araka ny voalazan’ny Union internationale pour la conservation de la nature  sy Natural Resources, izay manam-pahefana maneran-tany momba ny karazam-bidy sy zavamaniry atahorana ho lany tamingana.

Izany indrindra no nahatonga ity dia an-tongotra amin’ny alina ity ho tena miavaka indrindra. 

Isaky ny metatra vitsivitsy, i Rakotoarimalala — izay efa nantsoina hoe Mpanjakavavin’ny tanalahy — dia mijanona ka manondro zavatra fotsifotsy miraikitra amin’ny ravina. Ny ankamaroany dia karazana tanalahy “Perinet” tanora, izay kely vatana ary manana hoditra maitso toy ny emeraoda. Nahita tarondro “à cornes-globes” maromaro koa izy, karazana tandindomin-doza, izay manana loha miendrika telozoro. Ny mason’izy ireo dia mety samy mijery amin’izay jereny avy.

Tao anatin’ny ora vitsivitsy monja tamin’iny alina iny, nahita tanalahy mihoatra ny 60 izahay, avy amin’ny karazany telo samihafa. Ary io habetsahana io no iray amin’ireo antony maha-zava-dehibe ny fiarovana an’i Ambohitantely, hoy Rakotoarimalala, izay mianatra momba ny fahasalaman’ny tanalahy sy ny génétique-n’izy ireo ao amin’ilay faritra arovana. Ny fahaverezan’ity faritra arovana ity dia ho ratra lehibe ho an’ity vondrona biby ity manontolo.

Ny fomba mahazatra indrindra hiarovana biby dia ny famoronana faritra arovana, toy ny valan-javaboahary sy faritra voaaro, izay matetika mametra ireo asa manimba ny tontolo iainana. Eto Madagasikara sy amin’ireo firenena mahantra maro hafa, tsy nahitana fahombiazana loatra ireo faritra arovana ireo. Matetika ny olona tsy manan-tsafidy afa-tsy ny miankina amin’ny ala mba hivelomany, na arovana ara-dalàna aza ireo hazo ireo na tsia.

Tsy mba tahak’izany Ambohitantely: Tantanin’ny fikambanana tsy miankina antsoina hoe Madagascar National Parks (MNP) ilay faritra, ka nahavita nampihena ny fanapahana hazo ao anatiny, satria lavitra ny tanàna be olona ilay ala. Kely ihany koa ilay faritra arovana, ka mora kokoa ny manaraha-maso azy.

Fa na izany aza dia tsy voa antonka tanteraka ny fiarovana ilay faritra.

Ny loza lehibe indrindra atrehin’i Ambohitantely ankehitriny dia ny doro-tanety ataon’olona. Ny mponina eny ambanivohitra manodidina dia mandoro tanety noho ny antony maro, toy ny fampaniriana ny tsiry ho an’ny omby, na koa noho ny fomba amam-panao. Ary matetika loatra dia miparitaka tsy voafehy ireo afo. Tamin’ny taona 1989 ka hatramin’ny taona 2017, dia very manodidina ny antsasany ny alan’ Ambohitantely, indrindra noho ny doro tanety. Tamin’ny taona 2022 irery, dia may ny ampahatelon’ny ala sisa tavela, araka ny filazan’i Jacquis Andonahary, botanista ao amin’ny fikambanana fiarovana ny tontolo ianainana ao an-toerana antsoina hoe Association Vahatra, izay miasa ao amin’ny faritra arovana.

Ny fiovan’ny toetrandro, etsy ankilany, dia vao mainka mampitombo herin’ity loza ity.

Niakatra manodidina ny 1 degre celsius ny mari-pana ambony indrindra isan’andro tao Ambohitantely nanomboka tamin’ny taona 1980. Ary ny fiakaran’ny mari-pana dia mahamaina ny zavamaniry, ka manampy ny akora afaka mirehitra amin’ny doro-tanety. “Mihalava ny fotoanan’ny main-tany, ka lasa betsaka kokoa ny zavatra afaka mirehitra,” hoy i Steve Goodman, mpikaroka ao amin’ny Field Museum of Natural History sy filoha lefitry ny Vahatra.

Tsy eto Madagasikara ihany no isehoan’ ity olana ity. Ny fiovan’ny toetrandro dia mahatonga ny zavamaniry ho mora mirehitra amin’ny faritra maro maneran-tany, na ao anatin’ny faritra arovana na tsia.

Rehefa mbola mandrava ny faritra onenana sarobidy eto Ambohitantely ny doro-tanety,, dia miezaka mafy ny siantifika ao amin’ny Vahatra, ny mpiasa ao amin’ny faritra arovana, ary ny mponina eo an-toerana hanarenana izany. Tsotra ny fomba ataon’izy ireo: mamboly hazo betsaka.

Nandritra ny taona vitsivitsy izay, ny Vahatra dia mamerina mamelona ireo faritra an’ala nodoran’ny afo, ho fomba hitazonana ny karazan-biby sy zavamaniry ao aminy. (Rehefa mihena ny haben’ny ala dia very tsikelikely ny isan-karazan’ny biby sy ny zavamaniry ao anatiny.)

Sarotra anefa ny manome toky fa ho velona ireo hazo novolena. 

Voalohany, tsy maintsy mametraka karazan-kazo mifanaraka amin’ny toetry ny tany sy ny toerana misy azy. Nanao fikarohana i Andonahary tao anaty ala mba hahafantarana hoe inona avy ireo hazo mitombo ao sy inona ireo toe-javatra ilainy (karazan-tany, hazavana, sns). Avy eo, nanangona voa ny Vahatra sy ireo mponina, namelona azy ireo tao amin’ny toeram-pambolena zana-kazo, ary nametraka ireo zana-kazo teny amin’ny sisin’ny ala sisa tavela, nanisy zezika hanatsarana azy. “Mihoatra ny 90 isan-jato ny taham-pahaveloman’ny hazo novolena,” hoy Andonahary tamiko. Tena zava-bita lehibe izany, satria matetika tsy mahomby ny fambolen-kazo.

Rehefa voavoly ireo hazo, dia ireo mpikaroka sy ny mponina no miezaka miaro azy tsy ho may.

Ny mpitantana ny faritra arovana dia manome vola kely ho an’ny olona mipetraka ao amin’ny manodidina mba hanao fisafoana sy hitady famantarana ny fisinan’afo. Manana kitapo misy rano entina an-damosina ihany koa izy ireo izay azon’izy ireo ampiasaina hamonoana afo.

Zava-dehibe kokoa, ny Vahatra sy ny MNP dia nametraka andalana roa mitovy manodidina an’i Ambohitantely, antsoina hoe aroafo — tany malama tsy misy ahitra afaka mirehitra, izay tsy tokony hahafahan’ny afo mandalo. Vahaolana tsotra io, izay efa nampiasain’ny olona, anisan’izany ireo foko teratany any Etazonia, Kanada, ary Aostralia, nandritra ny taonjato maro hifehezana ny fiparitahan’ny afo.

Ilay afo hitako tamin’iny alina iny tamin’ny volana Septambra dia tsy tonga tao Ambohitantely mihitsy — noho ireo ezaka ireo. Novonoin’ireo mpamono afo miasa ao amin’ny MNP ilay afo, araka ny filazan’i Ricky Tiavina Rakotonindrina, mpiasa ao amin’ny MNP izay mitantana ilay faritra arovana.

Fa mazava ho azy, mbola hisy indray ny afo hafa. Ny fiovan’ny toetrandro no manampy amin’izany. Ka ny fanontaniana ankehitriny dia hoe: ho ampy ve ireo ezaka hiarovana ilay faritra arovana — sy ireo harena rehetra ao anatiny anisan’izany ireo harena mety mbola tsy hita?

2025-12-08 21:00:00

安达纳·马基（Andiana Maky）在马达加斯加的中部地区，也就是马哈勒托塞（Mahaleotse），开始使用一种新的方法来保护水资源。这种方法涉及在马哈勒托塞附近地区，如马罗阿马洛（Maroamalo），利用当地资源，如木材、煤炭和泥炭，来替代传统的化石燃料。这种方法不仅有助于减少对环境的破坏，还能为当地居民提供经济支持。

马达加斯加的中部地区，特别是马哈勒托塞，是该国重要的水资源保护区。这里拥有丰富的地下水和森林资源，但同时也面临着过度开采和污染的威胁。为了保护这些资源，政府和环保组织如世界自然基金会（WWF）正在采取措施，包括限制煤炭的使用，推广可再生能源，以及加强环境教育。

在马哈勒托塞，一些居民已经开始使用替代能源，如太阳能和风能，以减少对煤炭的依赖。此外，政府也在推动环保政策，限制煤炭的开采和使用，以保护当地的生态环境。这些措施有助于减少空气污染，保护水资源，同时也能促进可持续发展。

然而，尽管有这些努力，马达加斯加的中部地区仍然面临严重的环境问题。例如，煤炭的开采和使用导致了空气污染和水资源的破坏。此外，由于缺乏有效的环保法规和执法，这些问题依然存在。因此，需要更多的政策支持和公众参与，才能有效保护这一地区的自然资源。

总的来说，马达加斯加的中部地区正在努力保护其宝贵的水资源，但仍然面临许多挑战。通过政府和环保组织的合作，以及当地居民的积极参与，这些挑战有望得到解决。

MAHALEOTSE, Madagasikara — Indray maraina tsy nisy rahona, tamin’ny volana Septambra, dia nitaratra niditra avy eny amin’ny ravin’aviavy lehibe iray ny tara-masoandro, teo akaikin’ny moron’ny reniranon’i Onilahy, izay manomboka any atsimo-andrefan’i Madagasikara ka mikoriana mankany amin’ny Lakandranon’ny Mozambika. Nitsiry teo an-tampon’ilay hantsana kely ilay hazo, ary ny fakany naniry nanaraka ny sisin’ny hantsana toy ny labozia mitsonika.

Niakatra teny amin’ilay hantsana aho mba hahita tsara kokoa ny tampon’ilay hazo, ary nahita zavatra nibanjina ahy tampoka: gidro iray. Fotsifotsy sy somary matevina ny volony, mainty ny tavany ary ngeza ny masony, ary ny rambony koa dia farafahakeliny mitovy halava amin’ny vatany. Tsy gidro tsotra fotsiny toy ny rehetra anefa izy io fa Sifaka Verreaux — karazany efa tena tandindonin-doza, ary efa ela no nandrandraiko hahitana an’izany tamin’ny fiainako.

Madagasikara, nosy iray any atsinanan’ny kaontinanta Afrikana, no hany toerana eto an-tany ahitana gidro. Maherin’ny zato ny karazana gidro, ary saika izy rehetra dia tandindonin-doza ho lany tamingana, anisan’izany ny sifaka. Ny fahavalony dia ny fandripahana ala; ny gidro rehetra dia miankin-doha amin’ny ala satria io no sakafony sy fialofany, kanefa dia efa potika avokoa ny antsasakin’ny ala, na mihoatra aza, ao amin’io firenena io.

Eto Madagasikara, tsy toy ny any amin’ny firenena hafa be ala, ny tena ankamaroan’ny fandripahana ala dia tsy vokatry ny fambolena sy fiompiana indostrialy goavana izay matetika maha mpanakarena ireo orinasa lehibe. Ny fianakaviana tsotra no manapaka hazo eto, mba hahazoan’izy ireo toerana hambolena na kitay handrahoana. Izany no fomba entin’ny olona mamelontena sy hahazoany vola. Tsy dia manan-tsafidy firy ny olona; isan’ny firenena mahantra indrindra eto ambonin’ny tany i Madagasikara, ary vitsy dia vitsy ny sehatra ara-toekarena ahazoan’ny mponina fidiram-bola izay tsy miankina amin’ny fitrandrahana ny harena voajanahary.

Manoloana io zava-misy mampalahelo io, dia niseho ho mariky ny fanantenana ilay sifaka teo anoloako. Ny hany antony nahatonga azy mbola ho eo dia satria mbola velona ilay hazo nisy azy. Ary mbola velona ilay hazo, satria ireo tanàna manodidina dia niady mafy mba hiaro ny ala iombonany, na dia teo aza ny sakana sy ny fahasahiranana.

Miara-miasa amin’ny World Wildlife Fund, izay iray amin’ireo fikambanana lehibe indrindra eran-tany miaro ny tontolo iainana, ireo tanàna ireo ary namorona fomba vaovao hahazoana vola izay tsy manimba ny ala. Asehon’izy ireo miaraka ny singa tena ilaina mahatonga ny fiarovana ny tontolo iainana hahomby any amin’ireo faritra mahantra indrindra eto an-tany: voalohany, mamantatra sy mamaly ny filàn’ny olona; ary avy eo dia miala tsikelikely izy ireo mba hahafahan’ny olona mitantana izany samy irery.

Ilay gidro hitako dia monina ao amin’ny lohasahan’i Onilahy, any atsimo-andrefan’i Madagasikara, tsy lavitra ny morontsiraka sy ny tanàna lehibe indrindra amin’ny faritra, antsoina hoe Toliara. Hafahafa be izay io toerana io — fifanenan’ny tany karankaina sy ny ala, kirihitr’ala fohy sy feno tsilo no maniry eo akaikina ala feno hazo lava. Maina ny faritra atsimon’i Madagasikara, kanefa misy rano betsaka eto noho ny fisian’ny renirano sy loharano voajanahary maro.

Tamin’ny andro vao maraina sy mafana iray, rehefa hifarana ny ririnina aty amin’ny Tendrontany Atsimo, dia nandeha avy tao Toliara aho hankany amin’ny tanàna kely iray akaikin’ny renirano, antsoina hoe Maroamalo. Lalan-tany sy feno lavaka be ny lalana, ka niampy ny fitohanana vokatry ny osy maromaro teny an-dalana, dia lasa adiny telo mahery ny dia tokony ho 25 kilaometatra monja sady namparary ny fitombienana.

Maroamalo dia iray amin’ireo vondron’olona maro manampy amin’ny fiarovana ny ala feno gidro ao amin’ny faritra amoron’i Onilahy. Miara-miasa amin’ny WWF izy ireo mitantana ny faritra arovana antsoina hoe Amoron’i Onilahy. Manodidina ny 100 482ha ny haben’ilay faritra — somary lehibe kokoa noho i New York City — nefa mandrakotra tontolo iainana maro samihafa, manomboka amin’ny tany mando ka hatramin’ny alana hazo misy tsilo, ary misy karazana zavamananaina tsy fahita firy maro, ary ahitana karazana gidro valo.

Amin’ny lafiny sasany, Amoron’i Onilahy dia toa endrika kelin’i Madagasikara. Feno karazana rohivoahary samihafa ity nosy ity, ary izany no antony iray mahatonga azy hanana taha ambony eto an-tany amin’ny fisian’ny zavamananaina tsy fahita afa-tsy ao aminy ihany.

Ny faritra arovana — izay matetika sakana hoan’ny asa sasantsasany izay manimba ny tontolo iainana sy manohintohina ny harena voajanahary — dia manana vokatra samihafa eo amin’ny fahombiazana. Tena marina izany eto Madagasikara. Maro ny fikarohana no nahita fa mbola misy fanimbana hazo atao na dia ao anatin’ireo faritra arovana ara-panjakana aza, anisan’izany ireo tantanan’ny vondron’olona ifotony. 

Antony iray mahatonga izany dia ny tsy fahampian’ny vola entina hanarahana maso ireo faritra arovana midadasika eto Madagasikara izay iharan’ny fanapahana hazo tsy ara-dalàna. Fa ny olana lehibe kokoa dia vitsy ny faritra arovana mijery mivantana ny tena antony mahatonga ny olona hanapaka hazo: ho fivelomany. Raha tokony misafidy ny fandikan-dalàna na ny famelomana ny fianakaviany, dia ny fahavelomana no fidin’ny olona. “Ny fandripahana ala sy ny fampiasana tsy ara-dalàna dia mbola misy fiantraikany amin’ny ankamaroan’ny faritra arovana rehetra, na dia efa 30 taona aza no nanaovana ezaka hentitra ho fiarovana ny tontolo iainana,” hoy ny fanambaran’ireo mpanoratra amin’ny fikarohana iray.

Saingy toa hafa mihitsy ny ao Amoron’i Onilahy.

Misy zavatra vitsivitsy hitanao avy hatrany ao Maroamalo: trano maro vita amin’ny fotaka, vato, sy ravin-kazo; misy akoho, gana, ary osy mandehandeha eran’ny tanàna, ary eo an-damosin’ny afovoan-tanàna, rehefa midina mankany amin’ny amoron’ny renirano, dia misy tanimboly maitso be mivelatra, izay misongadina manoloana ny tany maina manodidina azy. Toa nisy lamba firakotra maitso napetraka manarona ny lohasaha.

Maneran-tany, ny fambolena no loza lehibe indrindra mitatao amin’ny harena voajanahary. Mba hahafahana mamaly ny fitomboan’ny filàna sakafo eran-tany, matetika ny orinasa fambolena lehibe no manapaka ala sy manimba tontolo voajanahary hametrahana voly sy fiompiana. Fa eto Maroamalo, ny fambolena mihitsy no manampy mitazona ny ala tsy ho potika.

Iray ampahatelonn’ny olona eto Madagasikara ihany no manana herinaratra, ary vitsy lavitra no mampiasa entona voajanahary. Izany no antony mahatonga ny olona rehetra hahandro  sakafo amin’ny kitay na arina (charbon) ho an’ireo an-tanàn-dehibe — karazana fandrehitra be karbonina vokarina amin’ny sampana hazo. Eo amin’ny tanàna toa an’i Toliara, ny fanaovana arina (charbon) no fomba hahazoan’olona vola hividianana sakafo, fitaovam-pianarana, ary vola fitsaboana. Gony iray amin’ny 50 kilao dia mitentina 8 000 Ariary ka hatramin’ny 12 000 Ariary. Eto Madagasikara, ampy izany hividianana sakafo maromaro.

Efa fahita taloha tany amin’ireo tanàna manodidina, toy i Maroamalo, ny fanaovana arina, hoy i Nanie Ratsifandrihamanana, izay mitarika ny asa ataon’ny WWF eto Madagasikara. Izany no antony iray naha-lany hazo betsaka teto amin’ny lembalemban’ny reniranon’i Onilahy. Nampitombo ny fahapotehan’ny ala koa ny fambolena miovaova toerana, izay fantatra kokoa amin’ny hoe tavy. Mandoro ala ny olona mba hanadiovana toerana hambolena; rehefa lany tsiro ny tany ary maro ny ahitra ratsy, dia averiny indray izany amin’ny toerana hafa. Saika manerana an’i Madagasikara manontolo, ary koa amin’ny ankamaroan’i Afrika, dia ireo no antony roa lehibe indrindra mahapotika ny ala.

Fantatry ny WWF hatry ny ela ireo olana ireo. Noho izany, efa ho folo taona mahery lasa izay, dia nanomboka niresaka tamin’ny vondron’olona ifotony teto ireo mpiasa, mikasika ny fomba hahazoan’izy ireo vola nefa tsy manapaka hazo. Nahasarika olona io hevitra io. Rehefa niresaka tamiko tao ambanin’ny hazo nimo lehibe tao Maroamalo ry zareo, dia nilaza ireo mponina fa hitany ihany koa ny olana nateraky ny fandripahana ala. Hoy izy ireo tamiko: rehefa tsy nisy ny foton-kazo hitazona ny tany, dia nanomboka nikaohin’ny rano ny tany, ka lasa sarotra kokoa ny fambolena. Ny fahavitsian’ny hazo koa dia nahamaina tany sy nampitombo ny mety ho tondra-drano.

Niaraka niasa tamin’ireo tanàna manaraka ny renirano ny WWF tatỳ aoriana — izay ampahany amin’ny faritra arovana ankehitriny — mba hanangana toekarena tsy miankina amin’ny fanimbana ny hazo sisa tavela. Ary tao Maroamalo, dia ny fambolena legioma no lasa fivelomana, na dia toa mifanohitra amin’ny eritreritra voalohany aza izany. 

Tsy mijanona amin’ny voly fototra toy ny mangahazo sy katsaka fotsiny intsony ny olona, fa nanomboka namokatra karazana legioma maro amidy any Toliara. Ny WWF no manome masom-boly sy fiofanana momba ny fomba fambolena mahomby kokoa, tsy mila mandoro na manitatra tany mankany anaty ala. Manampy azy ireo ihany koa izy amin’ny fifandraisana amin’ny mpividy any an-tanàna, anisan’izany ny hotely. Ny tanjona dia hoe: raha mahazo vola bebe kokoa ny olona amin’ny fambolena dia tsy mila manapaka ala hanaovana arina (charbon) intsony.

Ary izany indrindra no mitranga.

Tamini’ny maraina iny ihany, dia nitondra ahy nitsidika ny tany fambolena legioma i Mme Lalao, mponina ao Maroamalo izay miandraikitra ny fambolena ao amin’ny tanàna. Nasehony tamiko ny karazana fambolena folo mahery — ahitana voatabia, laisoa, tongolo, sns — natao andalana milamina tsara, toy ireo hitanao any Californie.

Saika ny rehetra ao Maroamalo ankehitriny no miasa amin’ny fambolena, hoy izy, ary izany no lasa tena iankinan’ny toekarena eto. Ny tantsaha iray mamboly legioma dia afaka mahazo manodidina ny 97 000 Ariary  isam-bolana, araka ny filazan’i Mercie Ramilanajoroharivelo, mpiasa ao amin’ny WWF miara-miasa amin’ny vondron’olona ifotony. Ambony lavitra noho ny vola azon’ny olona amin’ny fivarotana arina (charbon) izany, hoy Ramilanajoroharivelo tamiko.

“Tsy nanana traikefa tamin’ny fambolena izahay taloha, ka nandeha nanao arina (charbon) tany an’ala ny olona,” hoy i Lalao tamin’iny maraina iny. “Fa ankehitriny eto izy ireo no miasa.”

Tsy ampy hiarovana ny ala sy ny gidro ao Amoron’i Onilahy raha ny fananganana loharanom-bola vaovao ihany. Na dia tsy dia manao arina (charbon) intsony aza ny mponina ao anatin’ilay faritra arovana, dia mbola misy olona avy any amin’ny faritra hafa mifindra eto manapaka hazo. Olana mahazatra eto Madagasikara izany. Rehefa sarotra ny fambolena na ny fitadiavana hazo noho ny fandripahana ala, ny haintany, na ny tondra-drano amin’ny faritra iray, dia mifindra any amin’ny faritra hafa ny olona mitady fiainana tsaratsara kokoa. Ary vao mainka mampitombo izany fifindra-monina izany ny fiovaovan’ny toetrandro.

“Raha tsy manana na inona na inona intsony ianao, dia lasa mifindra any amin’ireo toerana ahafahanao mitrandraka harena voajanahary maimaim-poana,” hoy i Charlie Gardner, mpikaroka sy mpanoratra nianatra momba ny fiarovana tontolo iainana eto Madagasikara. “Toerana roa izany: ny amoron-dranomasina izay ahafahana manjono manao tarikaky (seine de plage), na ny ala izay ahafahana manao arina (charbon). Ny asa toy ny fanamboarana arina (charbon) dia fivelomana sisa farany azo itodihana.”

Midika izany fa mba hiarovana ny hazo ao Amoron’i Onilahy, dia mbola tsy maintsy manara-maso ny ala amin’ny fanapahana hazo ireo mponina ao an-toerana.

Nony afaka kelikely tamin’iny andro iny ihany, rehefa avy nandany ny maraina tao Maroamalo aho, dia nandeha tamin’ilay lalan-tany miditra lalindalina kokoa ao anatin’ilay faritra arovana, mankany amin’ny tanàna iray antsoina hoe Mahaleotse. Eto, lehibe kokoa ny alan-kazo. Nisy hazo lehibe kokoa, kirihitra matevina kokoa, ary biby maro. Nandritry ny dia an-tongotra tany anaty ala tamin’ny alina, nahita tanalahy miery tao anaty rantsan-kazo aho; fanihy manidinaambony loha; ary mazava ho azy, kadradraka misioka (ary tena misioka tokoa, rehefa avy nojereko).

Ny ampitso maraina, tamin’ny fiposahan’ny masoandro, nihaona tamin’ny vondron’ny lehilahy avy ao Mahaleotse aho, antsoina hoe polisin’ala, na mpiambina ala. Ireo tanàna ao amin’ny faritra Amoron’i Onilahy miasa miaraka amin’ny WWF dia manana ekipa mpanara-maso ny ala izay karamaina. Mandeha manodidina ny ala izy ireo in-10 isam-bolana, mahazo eo amin’ny 10 000 Ariary isaky ny fisafoana avy amin’ny WWF. Raha mahita fanapahana hazo tsy ara-dalàna izy ireo, dia miezaka manakana izany ary mitatitra ny fandikan-dalàna any amin’ny fiarahamonina sy ny manam-pahefana misahana ny tontolo iainana. Amin’ny tranga sasany, tsy maintsy mandoa onitra ny mpanao heloka.

Asa sarotra izany. Matetika tena sahirana ara-bola ireo olona avy any ivelany tonga manapaka hazo eto, nefa ny mponina eo an-toerana tsy te hanimba ny ala manodidina azy sy ny tombontsoa omeny. “Sitrapon’izy ireo ny nanimba ny alany, ka tsy midika izany hoe hahazo hanimba ny anay koa izy ireo” hoy i Renama Zatompo Mahinty, iray amin’ireo polisin’ala ao Mahaleotse, miresaka momba ireo olona avy any amin’ny tanàna hafa. “Raha rovitiko ny akanjoko, tsy midika izany fa manana zo haka ny an’ny hafa aho.”

Raha mbola re ilay hatsiaka vao maraina, dia nanaraka ireo lehilahy nanao fisafoana aho. Nijanona teo anoloan’ny aviavy lehibe iray i Ramilison Roland, iray amin’ireo polisin’ala, vetivety taorian’ny nanombohan’ny dia, ary nanondro teny ambony. Tao anatin’ny sampan-kazo sy ravina mifangaro, nahita maky efatra aho mitangorona amin’ny sampan-kazo iray. Nifono tamin’ny rambony mainty sy fotsy izy ireo, tsy nihetsika firy, satria, hoy Roland, vao avy nifoha.

Ny Maky dia karazana gidro tandindomin-doza, kanefa tao anatin’ny adiny iray monja tamin’iny maraina iny dia nahita andiany roa samihafa izahay — famantarana fa misy mahomby ny fitantanana. 

Karamaina ireo polisin’ala ireo, saingy nilaza tamiko izy ireo fa na tsy misy vola aza dia mbola hanara-maso ny ala hatrany. Tena zava-dehibe loatra ny tombontsoa omen’ny hazo — toy ny fitaovana hananganana trano sy sekoly, ary ny fampihenana ny mety ho hain-tany, tondra-drano, ary fihotsahan’ny tany. “Tsy resaka vola loatra izany,” hoy Roland tamin’iny maraina iny. “Manana tombontsoa amin’ny fiarovana ny ala isika, tsy ho antsika ihany, fa ho an’ny taranaka faramandimby.”

Anisan’ny toerana sarotra indrindra amin’ny resaka fiarovana ny tontolo iainana sy ny biby eto an-tany i Madagasikara. Ny korontana ara-politika dia manakana ny fidiran’ny fanampiana avy any ivelany, mampihena ny fanajana lalàna, ary manelingelina ny fizahantany, izay isan’ny loharanom-bola hanohanana ny fiarovana ny tontolo iainana. Ny fitantanana tsy mahomby koa dia mampitombo ny fahantrana. Ary noho io fahantrana io, dia tsy manana safidy firy ny olona afa-tsy ny miantehitra amin’ireo asa manimba ny ala. Ireo no anisan’ny antony mahatonga ny tetikasa maro ataon’ny fikambanana tsy miankina (ONG) ho tsy mahomby, araka ny nosoratako tamin’ny volana Oktobra.

Fa resy lahatra aho fa mahomby ity tetikasa iray ity.

Nilaza tamiko ireo mponina ao Amoron’i Onilahy fa amin’ny ankapobeny, mihatsara ny tontolo eto; misy ala betsaka kokoa, gidro betsaka kokoa, ary rano betsaka kokoa. Vitsy kokoa sy mifangaro anefa ny atontan-kevitra avy amin’ny WWF. Araka ny hita avy amin’ny zanabolana, dia nihena be ny fandripahana ala tao amin’ny faritra arovana teo anelanelan’ny 2015 sy 2020, nitombo indray teo anelanelan’ny 2021 sy 2023, ary avy eo nidina indray tamin’ny 2024. Araka ny WWF, tsy mbola very ala mihitsy i Amoron’i Onilahy tamin’ity taona ity hatramin’ny volana Jona, fotoana farany nisy fanangonana ny atontankevitra. (Tsy mbola nandrefy ny fiverenan’ny ala voajanahary ny WWF.)

Araka ny filazan’izy ireo, nitombo ny isan’ny Maky sy ny sifaka nanomboka tamin’ny taona 2003.

Tsara hazavaina fa sarotra ny hametraka zavatra toy ity izay hita fa mahomby any amin’ny faritra hafa eto Madagasikara. Nahazo tombontsoa avy amin’ny fampiasam-bola nandritra ny am-polony taona avy amin’ny WWF i Amoron’i Onilahy. Tsy fahita firy izany, hoy i Gardner. Ny mpamatsy vola dia matetika voasariky ny tetikasa vaovao sy mampientam-po kokoa, fa tsy mijanona amin’ny fanohanana asa iray mitovy mandritra ny taona maro, hoy izy. Ankoatra izany, mipetraka ambonin’ny loharano ambany tany (aquifère) ilay faritra arovana; any amin’ny toerana sasany dia misy rano madio miboiboika mivoaka avy eny ambanin’ny tany. Izany no mahatonga ny fambolena maro ho azo atao eto.Maina loatra any amin’ny toerana hafa.

Zava-dehibe ihany koa ny manamarika fa ny paikady fifehezana ny fanamboarana arina (charbon) ao Amoron’i Onilahy dia tsy mampihena ny filàna azy io manerana an’i Madagasikara. Raha tsy afaka manapaka hazo eto ny olona, dia mety hanao izany any an-kafa.

Na izany aza, manome lesona lehibe i Amoron’i Onilahy momba ny fomba hanampiana ny fiarovana tontolo iainana mba hahomby amin’ireo faritra sarotra hafa maneran-tany. Zava-dehibe ny fampiasam-bola amin’ny toekarena tsy miorina amin’ny fitrandrahana harena voajanahary, na dia toa tsy mifandraika amin’ny “fiarovana” aza ny fananganana orinasa. Indrindra mihoatra noho izany, hoy i Ranaivo Rasolofoson, mpikaroka ao amin’ny University of Toronto sady manampahaizana momba ny fiarovana ala eto Madagasikara, dia tsy maintsy ny vondron’olona ifotony ihany no mitarika ny asa, fa tsy miankina mandrakizay amin’ny fikambanana ivelany toy ny WWF. 

Tsy dia manana tantara tsara loatra ireo ONG lehibe momba ny tontolo iainana amin’ny famindrana ny fahefana amin’ny olona monina ao amin’ireo tontolo iainana tiany harovana ireo. Ny WWF, amin’ny lafiny iray, dia anisan’ny nanao hadisoana lehibe izay nampifandona ny fiarovana ny tontolo iainana sy ny zon’olombelona. Saingy eto, ny fiarahamonina mihitsy no misafidy ny fomba tiany hiarovana ny ala, ary fanohanana fotsiny no omen’ny WWF.

“Izy ireo no tompon’andraikitra amin’ny ataony sy ny fanapahan-keviny,” hoy i Ratsifandrihamanana raha mireska momba ireo mponina any an-toerana. “Tena tianay izy ireo ho mpitarika, handray andraikitra.”

Avy tao Mahaleotse, dia nandeha nankany amin’ny tanàna hafa izahay, nijanona teny an-dalana teo amin’ny toerana masina iray natokana ho an’i Masimbavy Therezy. Nisy sarivongana kelin’i Therezy napetraka tao anatin’ny lavabato voajanahary eo amin’ny sisin’ny hantsana, eo ambonina dobo kely misy loharano miboiboika. Ny Katôlika no sampana kristianina lehibe indrindra eto Madagasikara, ary, araka ny nolazaina tamiko, misy mpivavaka mafana fo indraindray manao fivahinianana masina mankaty amin’ity toerana ity.

Eto no nahitako ilay sifaka, izay lasa traikefa nanaitra ny fanahy manokana ihany koa.

Voalohany nahita ireo biby ireo aho tamin’ny fandaharana momba ny natiora tao amin’ny BBC efa ho roapolo taona lasa izay. Nahavariana be izy ireo, mitsambikina avy amin’ny hazo iray mankany amin’ny hazo iray hafa haingana be, tahaka ny baolina ping-pong mitsambikina eo amin’ny rakety. Mbola reko ao an-dohako hatrany ny feon’i David Attenborough rehefa mieritreritra azy ireo aho.

Tamin’izany fotoana izany, nieritreritra aho fa, araka ny nasehon’ny fandaharana momba ny natiora, ny biby any amin’ny toerana tahaka izao dia miaina any anaty ala midadasika, lavitra ny olona. Kanefa tsy toy izany akory no tena iainan’ireo biby ireo. Ary mbola tsy niaina toy izany mihitsy aza izy ireo. 

Nifanatrika tamiko teo amin’ny toerana masina iray eo anelanelan’ny tanàna roa ity gidro tandindomin-doza mafy ity. Mifampizara toerana iray ny olona sy ny biby eto, ka araka ny lojika dia tsy maintsy mandinika ny filàn’ny roa tonta ny fomba fiarovana azy ireo raha tiana hahomby.

2025-12-08 20:15:00

亚历山德拉·默尔格·里特（言语治疗师）、阿巴纳·阿扎里亚博士（物理医学与康复科主治医师，UT休斯顿/蒂尔纪念赫尔曼医院意识障碍项目临床主管）以及加布里埃尔·罗德里格斯博士（蒂尔纪念赫尔曼医院临床神经心理学家）于2024年3月25日周一在休斯顿的蒂尔纪念赫尔曼医院讨论了一位严重脑损伤并被诊断为GAAB综合征的患者的情况，他们参考了人类大脑的模型。

如今，我们似乎越来越倾向于用各种术语和框架来描述自己的个性，比如内向者、外向者、类型A、类型3等。但很多时候，我们自己和他人对个性的判断并不一致。例如，听众拉德尔在《解释给我听》（Vox的每周问答播客）中提问，说他看到一些他不认为是内向者的人却声称自己是内向者。他提到：“他们每周末都出去玩，从吊灯上荡来荡，显然不是内向者。但我并不自大到认为自己能判断别人的性格类型。”

拉德尔认为，越来越多的人自称是内向者，这种说法是否正确？根据人格研究者、肯塔基大学心理学教授莎伦·索厄尔-扎瓦拉（Shannon Sauer-Zavala）的说法，答案是“某种程度上是的”，而疫情可能是原因之一。她说：“我认为就像任何技能一样，当我们不常练习时，就会生疏。人们可能把不适感误认为是内向性格。”

此外，这种趋势也反映了我们对性格整体看法的变化。“我认为在过去十年中，人们对内向性格的正面特质有了更多认可，”索厄尔-扎瓦拉告诉Vox，“内向者通常更沉思、更谨慎、更善于倾听。现在人们开始说‘哦，自称内向者也没关系，我为自己的内向感到自豪’，这正是我们看到的现象。”

我们还应该从哪些角度来思考自己的个性？索厄尔-扎瓦拉在《解释给我听》最新一期节目中深入探讨了这一话题。以下是对话的节选，已进行删减和润色。你可以通过Apple Podcasts、Spotify或其他播客平台收听完整节目。如果你想提交问题，可以通过电子邮件发送至[email protected]，或拨打1-800-618-8545。

我们随着年龄增长会变得更内向吗？这是一个相当复杂的问题。外向与内向可以细分为多个子维度。一般来说，随着年龄增长，人们在“社会支配”这一维度上会有所变化或增强，这指的是一个人在社交场合中表现出的自信和果断。而“社会活力”则倾向于下降，这指的是对社交活动的热情和精力。

人们总是倾向于将自己归类为内向或外向，这种分类方式是否符合你和你的同事们的看法？我们测量个性的方式与人们在晚宴上谈论自己类型的方式大不相同。它与你在互联网或公司人力资源部门常见的性格测试结果也不一样。我常说，学术界的人格科学研究需要一位公关人员，因为我们并不擅长向大众解释什么是人格。

那么，人格到底是什么？我倾向于先解释人格不是什么。人们非常珍视自己的个性，认为这是自己的本质，包括幽默感、品味和价值观。但学术心理学家对人格的定义却不同。我们定义人格为一个人习惯性的行为和思维方式。这包括心理习惯和行为习惯，而这些习惯我们随时都可以改变。

你如何从科学角度测量人格？大多数商业人格测试都是基于分类的，将你归入某一类型，就完事了。而我们使用的方法则更加细致。它包括“大五人格模型”或“五因素模型”，这是五个主要的人格特质。第一个是开放性，指的是你对新思想、美学、哲学、艺术的兴趣程度，与传统的人相对。第二个是尽责性，它与冲动性形成一个连续体，尽责性代表你的努力程度、组织能力和可靠性，而冲动性则表现为“我常常在思考之前就行动了”。

第三个是外向性与内向性，这指的是一个人是否充满活力和兴奋。第四个是亲和性与对抗性，亲和性代表你对他人的关注程度、同理心、关心他人以及与人相处的能力。第五个是神经质，它与情绪稳定性形成一个连续体，指的是一个人经历强烈负面情绪的倾向。例如，你是否更容易因环境压力而感到不安？是否需要更长时间才能平静下来？

为什么我们如此热衷于了解自己的性格类型？为什么我们总是急于把自己归入某个类别？这确实很有趣，但了解你在这些不同特质上的位置可以提供更细致的信息。我设计干预措施，过去十年一直在开发旨在引导性格特质的干预方法。人们普遍认为性格是固定不变的，出生时就决定了，只需做一次测试，然后根据类型选择伴侣和职业。但实际上，我们应该反其道而行之。你应该先确定自己重视什么、有什么价值观和重要目标，然后找出哪些特质能帮助你实现这些目标，并有意识地培养它们。

Introvert. Extrovert. Type A. Type 3. A Samantha. These days, it seems, there is an ever-expanding list of terms and frameworks for describing our personalities. But what we see in ourselves, and what other people see in us, are often not the same.

So when LaDel, a listener to Explain It to Me — Vox’s weekly call-in podcast — asked a question about “introverts,” our curiosity was piqued. “I was seeing people I know who I wouldn’t consider to be introverts proclaiming that they were,” they said. “I’m like, ‘Wow, you’re out every weekend, swinging from chandeliers. You’re probably not an introvert.’ But I’m not so arrogant that I feel like I can tell anyone what their temperament is.”

But, is LaDel right that more people are describing themselves as introverts? According to personality researcher and University of Kentucky psychology professor Shannon Sauer-Zavala, the answer is: kind of! And the pandemic is to blame. “I think like any skill, when we are out of practice, we get rusty. People might be confusing discomfort with being introverted,” she said.

It’s also a shift in how we think about disposition more generally. “I do think that here in the last decade or so, there’s been more recognition of introverts as having qualities that are really desirable,” Sauer-Zavala told Vox.  “They tend to be more thoughtful, more measured, better listeners.There’s been kind of this renaissance for introverts, and now people are like, ‘Oh, it’s okay to identify as an introvert. I’m a proud introvert.’ And I think that’s what we’re seeing.”

What are some other ways we should be thinking about our personalities? Sauer-Zavala dives deeper on the latest episode of Explain It to Me. Below is an excerpt of our conversation, edited for length and clarity.

You can listen to the full episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get podcasts. If you’d like to submit a question, send an email to [email protected] or call 1-800-618-8545.

Do we get more introverted as we age? 

This is actually a really complicated question to answer. 

Extroversion versus introversion can be divided up into subfacets. One thing that does tend to change or increase on average as people age is what’s called social dominance. This is a facet of extroversion that is the tendency to be assertive and confident.

On the flip side, social vitality tends to decrease, and this is enthusiasm and energy for social situations. 

I think we have this urge to label ourselves as either introverts or extroverts. Is that how you and your colleagues think about it?

The way we measure personality is really different from how people are talking about their types at a dinner party.

It’s really different from what you would think personality is if you took a common personality test on the internet or through your HR office. 

I always say that academic personality science needs a PR person because we’re not really good at spreading the word on what personality actually is.

So, then what is personality?

I always like to answer this by talking about what personality is not first. 

People are precious about their personality. It is their essence, their sense of humor, their tastes, their values. But, that’s actually not how academic psychologists define personality. 

We define personality as your characteristic or habitual way of acting and thinking. When you think about that, it’s mental habits and behavioral habits, and those are things that we change all the time.

I’m curious how you measure personality from that scientific standpoint.

Most of the commercial personality tests that people have heard of are very category based. They put you into a type, and that’s that. What we use describes personality in a much more nuanced way. It’s the big five or the five factor model of personality. These are five overarching traits. 

The first one is openness, and this is the degree to which you are interested in new ideas and aesthetics, philosophy, art versus folks that are more traditional.

Then, you have conscientiousness, which is on a continuum with disinhibition. And essentially conscientiousness is how striving you are, how organized, how reliable. And disinhibition is more like, “I kind of act before I think it through.”

The next is extroversion versus introversion, and that’s the tendency to be energetic and excitable. 

Then, there’s agreeableness versus antagonism. Agreeableness is how oriented you are towards other people, how empathic, how caring, how well you get along with others. 

And then, the last one is neuroticism, which is on a continuum with emotional stability. And neuroticism is your tendency to experience strong negative emotions. Do you tend to get more upset by stressors in the environment? Do you take longer to calm back down? That sort of thing.

I like to think about the big five as an audio switchboard with all the little dials that you can push up and down.

Why do you think we’re so interested in knowing our personality types? Why do we want to put ourselves in buckets so badly?

I mean, it’s fun, right? But, knowing where you are on those different traits provides you with a lot more nuanced information.

I develop interventions, and for the past 10 years have been developing interventions to nudge personality traits. People think that personality is set in stone — you’re born with it and you should just take the test, put yourself in the box, and then you should choose partners and careers based on whatever type you are — when, really, it should be the opposite. 

You should identify what’s important to you, what you value, what important goals you have, and then figure out what are the traits that will help get you there and intentionally cultivate them.

2025-12-08 20:00:00

2025年12月1日，密歇根州萨林的居民举行集会，反对一项价值70亿美元的Stargate数据中心项目。这并非个例，美国许多地方都面临着类似的工业衰退问题。例如，费城郊区的康肖克肯钢铁厂曾是当地工业经济的支柱，但自1970年代原所有者破产后，该工厂经历了多次转手，最终在去年夏天被永久关闭并准备出售。这反映了美国工业时代遗产的普遍衰落。

尽管特朗普政府曾高调宣称要振兴美国制造业，但其成效甚微。然而，在康肖克肯，这些工业遗迹却成为推动人工智能经济发展的理想载体。当地开发商迅速将旧钢铁厂改造成一个大型数据中心。开发商布赖恩·奥尼尔在10月的一次会议上表示：“我提议的是让人工智能发展的同时，用21世纪的制造方式取代19世纪的制造模式。”

目前，美国正在进行大量数据中心建设项目，总金额高达数十亿美元，且还有数百亿美元的计划。特朗普和一些知名民主党人也都支持这些项目。在地方层面，这些项目被宣传为无害的经济增长工具，能带来大量税收，而无需提供许多新的服务。

然而，这种说法却在普通民众中引发了强烈反弹。住在钢铁厂附近的基尼维夫·博兰表示：“对于住在数据中心附近的居民来说，没有任何好处。”随着人工智能经济的迅速发展，这种反对情绪在全国各地的社区中逐渐升温，并可能影响未来的政治和经济走向。

数据中心的反对声正在改变政治格局。据10a实验室的分析师米格尔·维拉表示，这种反对并不具有明显的意识形态倾向，而是跨党派的。“你可以在红州和蓝州都看到这种反对。”今年，新泽西和弗吉尼亚州的州长候选人将部分批评数据中心建设作为竞选策略的一部分。在佐治亚州，两名民主党候选人因反对数据中心带来的高昂电费而赢得了重要席位。在弗吉尼亚州，该州拥有全球最大的数据中心集群，多个地方选举都围绕数据中心展开。

民主党的约翰·麦克艾利夫在竞选中以反对该州对数据中心的慷慨政策为核心，他的竞选团队每天敲门80到100户，其中超过10次的对话都涉及数据中心问题。他说：“这非常引人注目。”

虽然目前更多民主党人利用反对数据中心作为政治工具，但这种趋势并非完全沿着党派界限发展。在佛罗里达州，极右翼候选人詹姆斯·菲希巴克将反对数据中心作为其2026年州长竞选的核心议题。而共和党参议员乔什·霍利也对数据中心提出了批评。

在费城郊区，康肖克肯钢铁厂可能仍会空置一段时间。上个月，试图将其改造成数据中心的开发商因法律问题突然撤回了申请。博兰和她的室友史密斯表示，他们感到欣慰，但斗争并未结束。他们计划继续与其他全国范围内的活动人士合作，反对数据中心建设。博兰最近还创建了一个网站，以协调全州范围内的反对行动。她说：“数据中心无处不在，甚至可能出现在你的后院，但这并非不可避免。你可以改变这一切。”

随着人工智能的迅速普及，这种反对声音正在引起越来越多的关注，可能预示着人工智能发展道路将更加曲折。

For more than a century, the Conshohocken steel mill in suburban Philadelphia employed thousands of people and anchored a booming industrial economy. But the original owner went bankrupt in the 1970s, after which the facility limped on with a succession of new owners. Last summer it was idled indefinitely, and put up for sale. 

It’s a familiar story of decline. The Trump administration talked a big game about reviving American manufacturing; its efforts so far have been a failure. But in Conshohocken at least, the remnants of America’s industrial age are a perfect fit for what’s powering its economy now — artificial intelligence. A local developer quickly moved to convert the old steel mill into a massive new data center. 

“What I’m proposing is to enable AI to progress while replacing 19th-century manufacturing with 21st-century manufacturing,” developer Brian O’Neill told the Plymouth Township Planning Agency meeting in October.  

There are billions of dollars of data center projects currently underway in the United States, with hundreds of billions of dollars more planned. President Donald Trump loves them. So do prominent Democrats. On the local level they’re sold to officials as all-upside: Be part of the economy of the future, rake in tons of tax revenue, and do it all without having to provide many new services. 

“The annual revenue of the building I’m proposing is $21 million a year. And that’s with no traffic, no kids in the school system, nothing but cash flow,” O’Neill said. (O’Neill did not respond to a request for an interview.) 

This pitch is going over great with many politicians — but it’s falling flat with a large and growing coalition of regular people.

“For residents around data centers, there’s just no positive,” said Genevieve Boland, who lives just a few blocks from the old steel mill. 

That backlash has been steadily growing in communities throughout the country as the AI economy has boomed — and it may very well shape the future of our politics and economy.  

The populist backlash to data centers

Soon after finding out about the planned data center, Boland and her roommate Patti Smith began rallying neighbors in opposition, posting flyers and “hitting the town Facebook page like we’ve never hit it before.”

Their appeals resonated. Neighbors shared their concerns about noise and light, possible environmental pollution, and what the center could mean for the cost of power — concerns that have been echoed in other communities where data centers are springing up.

“Obviously our utilities are going to skyrocket and I don’t want to see that happen,” said Mark Musial, who also lives near the mill. 

Pennsylvania is part of a regional electricity grid that has seen a huge amount of new data centers added in the last few years, and a corresponding increase in electric costs. Electric bills spiked about 20 percent in New Jersey last year, becoming a flashpoint in that state’s governor’s race.

The backlash to data centers is just starting to bubble up in the news, but it’s already been consequential: In the second quarter of this year 20 data center projects worth nearly $100 billion were canceled or delayed by community opposition, according to a report from Data Center Watch, a project that’s been tracking the opposition to data center development. 

How data center opposition is scrambling politics

The data center backlash doesn’t really have an obvious ideological valence. 

“One striking finding is that the pushback against data centers was bipartisan,” said Miquel Villa, an analyst at 10a labs, an AI safety company that produces Data Center Watch. “You could find it in red and blue states alike.”

Democratic candidates for governor in New Jersey and Virginia in this year’s elections made criticism of some aspects of the data center buildout part of their winning campaign message, but the races that have been dominated by data center backlash so far have been local. 

In Georgia, two Democrats won big upsets to land seats on that state’s Public Service Commission, which helps regulate climate and energy policy. The race was dominated by rising power bills amid the data center boom there. 

And a number of local races in Virginia — home to the largest cluster of data centers in the world — were fought out over data centers. Democrat John McAuliff, who ran to flip a conservative state assembly district in Northern Virginia, built his campaign around opposition to the state’s generous data center policies. 

“We would knock 80 to 100 doors [a day] and in that process have 15 conversations; more than 10 of them would be about data centers in this context,” McAuliff said. “Which is remarkable.”

So far, it seems that more Democrats than Republicans have used opposition to data centers as a political tool, but it’s not breaking down neatly along party lines. In Florida, James Fishback, an extremely online, extremely right-wing candidate for the Republican nomination for the 2026 governor’s race, is making opposition to data centers a tentpole issue of his campaign launch. Republican Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri has also criticized data centers.  

In suburban Philadelphia, the Conshohocken steel mill will likely remain vacant a while longer: Last month the developer seeking to turn it into a data center abruptly yanked the application when the project ran into a legal issue.

Boland and Smith, the roommates turned organizers, told me they’re relieved, but they’re not done. They plan to keep organizing against data centers with other activists from around the country they’ve connected with in the last few weeks. Boland recently launched a website to coordinate statewide pushback.

“Data centers everywhere, data centers in your backyard — it’s not inevitable,” she said. “You can change it.”

Amid the growing pervasiveness of AI, it’s a message that’s resonating — and these sites of backlash could well signal a bumpier road ahead for the AI buildout.