2026-02-07 20:30:00
“我认为，一个贾辛·克洛特（Jasmine Crockett）的选民是那些对政治现状感到沮丧的人，”克洛特告诉阿斯特德·赫尔顿（Astead Herndon）。“我不是那种政治人物会感到兴奋的类型。” 今天，解释（Today, Explained）将每周六发布视频版节目，以音频和视频形式呈现与政界和文化界重要人物的深入访谈。订阅Vox的YouTube频道，或在您常听的播客平台收听。
美国众议员贾辛·克洛特（D-TX）已成为真正的政治明星。在国会任职仅两年，她就成为全国知名人物，以对特朗普总统、共和党同僚，甚至一些民主党人的尖锐批评而闻名。这使她赢得了数百万社交媒体关注者，但也让她成为一些共和党人的攻击目标，以及一些民主党人眼中的麻烦人物，他们认为她可能把个人品牌置于党派利益之上。
克洛特对如何走到今天这一步毫不掩饰，她说：“在这一刻，你必须明白政治已经发生了变化。民主党一直面临的挑战是，他们仍然被视为共和党的‘软柿子’。选民一直在问，‘哪里有反对？哪里有斗争？’而我们却一直说，‘这些是规则，我们努力遵守规则’，而实际上，人们正在街头被枪杀，却没有任何问责。” 她认为，民主党品牌之所以在受欢迎度上挣扎，是因为人们觉得民主党总是遵守规则，而美国人其实希望所有人都遵守规则。但不幸的是，现实并非如此，这就是为什么现在有如此强烈的紧迫感，为什么看到越来越多的民主党人和共和党人退出国会，因为当前的政治环境并不正常。而民主党尝试用正常方式应对，结果并不理想，现在我们甚至在思考民主是否还能继续生存。
克洛特在早期职业生涯中曾是公共辩护律师和民权律师。她想知道这些经历如何塑造了她的政治观。她说：“我每天都在思考选举事务，但从未有过一个瞬间让我突然决定要参选。我一直想解决实际问题。律师的职责就是如此，有人遇到问题来找你，你就要帮助他们。在担任公共辩护律师期间，我深刻意识到我们的系统有多破碎。我有很多关于这段经历的故事，它们一直留在我的记忆中。人们不了解的是，作为公共辩护律师，你代表的是那些经济困难的人，你开始明白某些事情发生的根源。你开始意识到贫困如何导致一些人进入司法系统。”
关于政治上的“真实性”，克洛特表示：“我的真实性并不是为了迎合某个政党。而是我理解真实人们所感受到的愤怒、恐惧和创伤。” 她认为，自己的目标是团结更多人，而不是制造分裂。她特别强调，拉丁裔女性是她最有力的支持群体之一。
这场竞选之所以变得如此激烈，部分原因在于围绕种族主义和性别歧视的争议。她曾与一些人就她的竞选进行过推特上的争论，因为反对她的激烈程度有时让人感到震惊。但克洛特也表示，她希望直接回应一些批评，这些批评来自某些顾问阶层，他们认为她代表了民主党有时将种族和性别作为挡箭牌的做法，比如将特朗普的移民执法与奴隶巡逻进行类比，这种语言可能让选民转向共和党。他们说这可能对个人有利，但对民主党不利。对此，克洛特回应道：“我的真实性不是为了迎合某个政党。而是我理解真实人们所感受到的愤怒、恐惧和创伤。我知道我不是党派的代表，我一直都是人民的代表。”
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US Rep. Jasmine Crockett (D-TX) is a bona fide political star. In just two terms in the House of Representatives, she’s turned herself into a national name, known for her sharp attacks against President Donald Trump, her Republican colleagues, and even some Democrats.
This has earned her millions of social media followers, but it’s also turned her into a lightning rod, a favorite target of some Republicans, and a nuisance to some Democrats who argue that she could be putting her brand above the party’s. Crockett remains unapologetic about how she’s gotten here, telling me, “I think that in this moment you have to understand that politics has changed. And one thing that the Democrats have struggled with is that they continue to be viewed as the doormat for the Republicans. [Voters] continue to say, where’s the opposition? Where’s the fight?”
Crockett’s decision to run for Senate this year was controversial; she’s now locked in a neck-and-neck primary race against Texas state Rep. James Talarico. But the differences in their race so far have not really been about policy. They’ve been about candidate preference — which one of them is best positioned to win the general election, and whether Crockett has enough substance to go with all her style. Crockett believes she can beat the Republican candidate in November — and that she can do it her way.
Below is an excerpt of our conversation, edited for length and clarity. There’s much more in the full podcast, so listen to Today, Explained wherever you get podcasts, including Apple Podcasts, Pandora, and Spotify.
How would you describe your base? Who is a Jasmine Crockett voter?
I think a Jasmine Crockett voter is anyone that is frustrated with everything that they’re seeing in politics. Whether you identify as a Democrat or Republican or independent, there are a lot of people that have found themselves frustrated and feel as if it doesn’t matter which party is in power. There’s no one that sees them, hears them, or feels them or advocates for them. I am the type of person that real people can relate to. I am not the type of person that politicos get excited about. And so my voter is real people.
You are a relatively new member of Congress, but you exploded in popularity in May 2024 when you had a famous exchange with Marjorie Taylor Greene in the House Oversight Committee. She talked about your eyelashes, and you replied that Greene had a “bleach blonde, bad built butch body.”
Did you practice that, or was it off the cuff?
No, I did not practice that.
You didn’t have that in your back pocket? This was off the top?
People have asked that over and over. You know, I actually sat there, I did write it down as we were going through this back and forth about whether or not she was going to be allowed to continue on in the hearing. I finally got word that they were going to allow her to disrespect me. And I basically understood the rules, because as a lawyer, the first thing that you’re supposed to figure out is: What are the rules? And then I wanted to illustrate how quickly something like this could devolve if we set this precedent, while also making sure I didn’t violate the rules.
But in showing how things can devolve if that space is opened up, I wonder if there is any cost. As much as the phrase blew up, should we want our politicians to be clapback artists?
I think that in this moment you have to understand that politics has changed. And one thing that the Democrats have struggled with is that they continue to be viewed as the doormat for the Republicans. [Voters] continue to say, “Where’s the opposition? Where’s the fight?” And instead we continue to say, “These are the rules and we try to play by the rules,” as they literally are shooting people dead in the middle of the street. And there’s no accountability.
And so the reason I personally believe that the Democratic brand has been struggling as it relates to their popularity is because people feel as if the Democrats play by the rules. And frankly, I think Americans want everybody to play by the rules. I think whether you’re a Democrat or Republican or independent, they actually want a government that is very boring and just plays by the rules. That keeps things going.
But unfortunately that’s not where we are. That’s why there is this fierce urgency of now; this is why you see a historic number of both Democrats and Republicans, in my opinion, that are retiring both from the House and Senate. Because this environment is not a normal environment. To respond to it in a normal way — Democrats have tried that. It’s not worked out very well for us. And right now we’re wondering whether or not our democracy is even going to survive.
You spent much of your earlier parts of your career as a public defender, a civil rights attorney. I wanted to know how that shaped your worldview. What were you seeing at that time that said, “Hey, I want to get into elected office.”
Listen, I wake up every day scratching my head about elected office. I don’t know that there’s ever been a point where I just said like, “Oh, my gosh.”
I’ve always been the type of person that has wanted to solve for problems. I mean, that’s what lawyers are supposed to do. Someone has an issue; they come to you; they want you to help them. And so as I worked as a public defender, I became acutely aware of how broken our system is.
I have so many stories of my experiences as a public defender that have stuck with me. What people don’t understand is that when you are a public defender, you’re representing indigent people, and you’re starting to learn the source of why certain things happened. You start to learn how poverty can play a role in some people ending up in the system.
How do you view the question of political authenticity? You’re someone who comes up when people talk about authentic candidates, and people who are willing to be themselves. But politics is a performance in some ways. What does being yourself even mean?
When you think about how you show up to politics, is this the authentic version? Are we seeing Jasmine Crockett — the real one?
It’s me. You know, we recently had a fundraiser down in Houston, and one of my classmates from law school was the one that was hosting it, and she’s like, “This is what Jasmine has always been.” I’ve always been someone who has been intellectual. I was top 10 percent of my class, at Texas Southern, my first year in law school. I was always very much digging in and wanted to understand. I was always the person that would bring the receipts and wouldn’t back down.
Were you always clapping back too?
I was always, I was always, yeah. There was always a push back. [When] I feel like I am right on something, I have always been very clear about that.
I want to think more, also, about your strategy to win. The Houston Chronicle this week endorsed your opponent in the primary and said that, when you were asked about your path to victory, you pointed to celebrity endorsements and turnout operations.
I know that you have said that the reason that you should be the preferred Democratic nominee is that you plan to expand the electorate. But how do you expand the electorate past the efforts we’ve already seen for many Democrats that haven’t worked?
Yeah. I don’t know what efforts we’ve seen.
If we’re talking about celebrity endorsements and turnout operations, we certainly heard that in 2024.
The way that I evaluate this is that I’m starting moreso at third base instead of starting at first base, when you are trying to engage people that have not been engaged with. It does [require] keeping an excitement and enthusiasm, and the idea that one person can do that in a state of 30 million people, a state that has some of the most expensive media markets in the country.
What you need to do is make sure that you can communicate to people that normally aren’t communicated to. And so yeah, you go to CNN all day long. You can go on MSNOW all day long. And you’re going to communicate to the same kind of group of people.
“My authenticity is not about me trying to do the bidding of a party. It is me understanding the anger, the fear, the trauma that is being inflicted on real people.”
Texas has one of the lowest voter turnouts in the entire country. But the definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over expecting a different result. The goal has consistently been to go and get people that aren’t a part of the base. And then what happens is: The base feels like they are not getting courted, and instead they’re being ignored. And there’s an assumption that they will come out.
So for me to do what we’ve consistently done that has consistently not worked, I don’t think that that makes very much sense. Now, does that mean that there are Republicans, and I’m like doing like what we saw in Arizona and saying, “No, no Republicans”? That’s absolutely crazy.
Your focus, if I hear correctly, is kind of the loyal base of Democrats — the people who feel as if the party hasn’t been focused toward them, particularly Black voters, and then to reach people who have not traditionally voted. And you’re saying in Texas, that is a majority minority community.
Absolutely.
Okay. But even in that strategy, you would still need to activate those nonvoters.
There has been some controversy with previous statements where you’ve said that Latinos seem to have a “slave mentality” when it comes to supporting anti-immigration Republicans.
Would it be easier to win those people over to your side if statements like that hadn’t been made?
Yeah so, I think we absolutely will be fine, because here’s the thing: You know, when you’re running in elections, people love to just, like, go and cherry-pick, and not get full context of statements. Number one.
Number two, one of the things that I talked about is: I’m like, listen, we know that when it came down to Donald Trump, Donald Trump was like, “Oh, they’re poisoning the blood. And oh they’re criminals; they’re rapists.” [Trump] said all these things, and it did not impact it. To the extent that he actually got more support amongst Latinos than any Republican ever has. But the one thing that is impacting him is his policies.
And when it comes down to it, I have a very strong record, specifically as a civil rights lawyer. I’ve been very clear that for me as a Black woman and the lens that I see things, it is in the lens of the Black experience. I see a lot of the same hate that is spewed towards Latinos, is hate that historically has been skewed towards African Americans. So my goal will be to make sure that we understand that there’s more that unites us than divides us. But the third best demographic that I have is Latinas.
There are those that want to make inflammatory types of feelings take place. And then there are those that know me because they’ve seen my work. And so I think that they are like, “You know who she is.”
Part of what’s made this race more contentious is the question of racism and sexism that seems to be swirling around it. I’ve gotten into some Twitter fights with folks on your behalf, because the intensity of their opposition feels so wild at some times.
But I wanted to also put the critique to you directly from what I hear from — maybe a certain group of a consultant class. Their argument has been that you represent the Democratic Party that has sometimes used race and gender as a shield, and in doing things like comparing Trump’s ICE to slave patrols, that you’ve engaged in some language that have driven people toward Republicans.
They say that this may serve your interest personally, but not the interest of the Democratic Party. Can you respond to that?
Listen — again, my authenticity is not about me trying to do the bidding of a party. It is me understanding the anger, the fear, the trauma that is being inflicted on real people. I think that we know that I’m not the party pick. I’ve always been the people’s pick.
2026-02-07 20:00:00
特朗普对海地人的侮辱令人心痛，他们担心他的行动会更加恶劣。在特朗普最后一次竞选期间，他曾在总统辩论现场错误指控俄亥俄州斯普林菲尔德的海地人吃宠物。他私下在第一任期内就曾批评海地为“粪坑”国家，应切断移民通道，而在第二任期内则公开自豪地表达这一观点。如今，海地社区正担心他即将将这些言论付诸行动。数以百万计的海地人来到美国是为了逃离家乡的暴力和动荡，他们现在正在为成为特朗普政府移民执法行动的下一个目标做准备。在斯普林菲尔德，关于即将发生的移民局（ICE）突袭的报道引发了恐慌，志愿者们迅速组织应急培训以保护移民邻居，海地社区也开始为孩子可能被拘留或驱逐的情况制定应对计划。
尽管明尼苏达州索马里社区的居民大多是公民和长期居民，无法被合法驱逐，但白宫正积极剥夺海地人的现有保护，使他们可能面临大规模遣返。尽管特朗普在政治压力下表示要对移民政策采取“更温和”的态度，但像斯普林菲尔德这样的社区仍担心最严重的行动可能还在后头。
斯普林菲尔德拥有约15,000名海地人，占当地人口的约25%。居民们密切关注着特朗普政府计划进行的遣返行动。这次行动的时间点特别敏感，因为它与海地人获得临时保护地位（TPS）的保护期结束日期——2月3日——相吻合。TPS允许海地移民在美国合法居住和工作，因为海地被认为不安全。斯普林菲尔德新闻太阳报（Springfield News-Sun）于1月27日首次报道了有关可能持续至少30天的行动，以及联邦政府已识别出当地有遣返令的人，并有选择性拘留其他无合法身份的人的权力。MS Now随后报道称，行动可能最早在2月第一周开始。
“将海地人遣返海地，现在等同于判处死刑。”——海地桥联盟（Haitian Bridge Alliance）执行董事古尔琳·乔泽（Guerline Jozef）说。乔泽上周前往斯普林菲尔德，她一直在为这一天做准备，从总统竞选开始，以及伴随而来的种族主义言论。周一，她参加了一场有700人参加的教会活动，为法院做出有利裁决祈祷。她说：“消防官员不得不让200人离开，因为人太多。看到黑人和白人、移民和非移民的人们团结一致，肩并肩地支持社区，真的很美。”
然而，就在当天晚上，法院临时阻止了政府终止TPS的计划。在裁决中，地区法官安娜·雷耶斯（Ana Reyes）也认可了海地社区对种族主义言论的担忧，指出国土安全部长克里斯蒂·诺姆（Kristi Noem）可能因对非白人移民的敌意而做出终止TPS的决定，并未遵循正确的程序。裁决引用了诺姆2025年的一条社交媒体帖子：“我建议对每一个涌入我们国家的国家实施全面旅行禁令，包括杀手、寄生虫和自以为是的人……我们不想要他们，一个都不想要。”
尽管如此，TPS的保护仍处于脆弱状态。国土安全部（DHS）已经表示不认同这一裁决，并正在研究下一步措施。法律专家预计该部门将提出上诉，而上诉的持续时间和结果仍不确定。斯普林菲尔德海地支持中心（Haitian Support Center）的负责人维尔斯·多萨因维尔（Viles Dorsainvil）表示：“自总统辩论以来，这里一直存在持续的恐惧。我不确定这次法院裁决值得庆祝，因为最终这并不是一个巨大的胜利。斗争仍在继续，但至少给了我们一点喘息的时间。”
这并不是海地人第一次在特朗普政府下面临法律上的不确定性。特朗普政府在2017年也曾试图终止海地和其他几个国家的TPS，并在2020年似乎即将成功，但特朗普输掉大选后，拜登总统上任并延续了TPS。目前，美国仍持续将海地人遣返海地，2025年有12次ICE遣返航班，如果TPS终止，这个数字可能会上升。然而，由于海地的主机场因帮派袭击而关闭，这些遣返航班并未降落在太子港的主要机场。
与明尼阿波利斯一样，斯普林菲尔德的志愿者们也在建立快速反应网络，以保护移民邻居。一个名为G92的志愿者组织由信仰团体组成，已经连续几个月举办“了解你的权利”培训。即使在法院裁决之后，他们仍在周二晚上举办了另一场培训。志愿者马乔里·温特沃思（Marjory Wentworth）说：“我们意识到必须采取行动，他们正在基于肤色和口音进行针对，这是不可接受的。”
明尼阿波利斯1月发生的蕾妮·古德（Renee Good）和亚历克斯·普雷蒂（Alex Pretti）被杀事件进一步加剧了社区对ICE行动可能带来的危险的担忧。温特沃思在最近一次Zoom会议上提到，他们讨论是否要订购防弹背心。多萨因维尔说：“这是一个新的现实，如果你不是移民，但试图支持移民，你也会面临危险。”
尽管俄亥俄州在总统选举中明确支持特朗普，但当地和州政府官员却因海地人对经济的贡献而支持他们。斯普林菲尔德市长罗布·鲁（Rob Rue）在声明中表示，该裁决“为已经融入我们社区的家庭提供了清晰和稳定，反映了许多人每天都在工作、缴税、抚养家庭并为我们的城市生活做出贡献的现实。”
在法院裁决之前，俄亥俄州共和党州长迈克·德温（Mike DeWine）曾表示，终止海地人的TPS是一个错误。他说：“在俄亥俄州，有成千上万的人在工作、谋生、支持家庭，帮助经济成长。”德温还表示，俄亥俄州公路巡逻队将准备协助当地警方应对移民执法人员可能的激增，并呼吁执法部门遵守良好的执法规范。
然而，俄亥俄州没有本地庇护法律，这意味着地方执法部门可以配合联邦移民行动，包括将有遣返令的人交给当地监狱。多萨因维尔说：“海地移民在美国几乎没有控制自己未来的能力，因为他们没有长期居留的途径。”他说：“你无法在这里为未来做计划，因为你不知道什么时候会发生什么，只能一天天过下去。”
President Donald Trump stood onstage at a presidential debate in his last campaign and falsely accused the Haitians of Springfield, Ohio of eating pets. He derided their place of birth as a “shithole” country that should be cut off from immigration — privately in his first term, then proudly and publicly in his second.
Now, the community is living in fear that he’ll soon put action to those words. Hundreds of thousands of Haitians who came to the United States to flee violence and instability in their home country are already preparing to become the next targets of the Trump administration’s immigration enforcement sweeps that have roiled cities like Minneapolis and Chicago.
In Springfield, reports of imminent ICE raids sparked panic last week, with volunteers responding by holding rapid response trainings to protect their immigrant neighbors, and the Haitian community making contingency plans for children in case their parents were detained or deported.
While the Somalian neighborhoods in Minneapolis similarly targeted by Trump largely consisted of citizens and long-term residents who could not be legally deported, the White House is aggressively trying to strip Haitians of their existing protections — leaving them potentially vulnerable to mass removal. Even as Trump talks about a “softer touch” on immigration after a political backlash to his approach, communities like Springfield are worried the most drastic operations may be yet to come.
In Springfield, home to an estimated 15,000 Haitians who make up about 25 percent of the population, residents watched with alarm as reports emerged that the Trump administration was planning raids.
And not just any raids, but an operation timed to the expiration of their protections on a specific date: February 3. That was the day that approximately 350,000 Haitians were expected to lose Temporary Protected Status, a legal designation that allows Haitian immigrants to live and work in the US because their home country has been deemed unsafe.
The local Springfield News-Sun first reported on January 27 about secondhand rumblings that an operation could last at least 30 days, and that the federal government had already identified people in town who had removal orders, with discretion to detain additional people they encountered who lacked status. MS Now followed up with a report that the operation could begin as early as the first week of February.
“Deportation to Haiti is a death sentence right now.”
Guerline Jozef, Haitian Bridge Alliance executive director
Reports of imminent raids drew Guerline Jozef, executive director of the national nonprofit Haitian Bridge Alliance, to Springfield last week. She had been preparing for this day ever since the presidential campaign, and the racist rhetoric that came with it. On Monday, she attended a church service with 700 people who prayed for a favorable court ruling.
“The fire marshal had to come and ask 200 people to leave because we were at capacity,” Jozef said. “That was really beautiful to see how Black and white people, immigrants and nonimmigrants alike, came together standing shoulder to shoulder with the community.”
Then they received a last-second reprieve: A federal court temporarily blocked the administration from ending TPS. In her ruling, District Judge Ana Reyes also validated the Haitian community’s concerns about racist rhetoric, writing that Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem likely made her termination decision “because of hostility to nonwhite immigrants” and failed to follow proper procedure. The ruling cited a 2025 social media post by Noem that said: “I am recommending a full travel ban on every damn country that’s been flooding our nation with killers, leeches, and entitlement junkies. … WE DON’T WANT THEM. NOT ONE.”
That night when the ruling came down, Jozef saw relief on people’s faces.
“Deportation to Haiti is a death sentence right now,” she said.
While TPS was initially put in place in response to a devastating 2010 earthquake, the potential dangers awaiting deportees have multiplied since then. Haiti has held no elections since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021. Violent gangs now control vast areas of the country, responsible for murders, kidnappings, and sexual violence. The country has 1.5 million internally displaced people, and another 16,000 have been killed since January 2022, according to the United Nations. The US Department of State has placed Haiti on a level four travel warning, similar to war-torn countries.
In recent years, many Haitians escaped violence by fleeing to South American countries and then traveling north through the Darien Gap to the Southern US border.
“A lot of them have died on the way,” Jozef said. “The few who survived…when we received them at the border, we thought they were miracles to even survive that journey. And when they finally got here, they thought they were safe only for the rug to be pulled from underneath them.”
The latest court decision protecting the community is still fragile. DHS has already stated that it disagrees with the ruling and is determining next steps. Legal experts expect the department to appeal the ruling, and the length of the process and outcome are both unclear.
“It has been a constant fear here since after the presidential debate,” said Viles Dorsainvil, director of the Haitian Support Center in Springfield. “I am not sure [the court ruling] is something to celebrate, because at the end of the day, it’s not a huge victory. The struggles continue, but it’s something that can give us a little time to breathe.”
This isn’t the first time Haitians have faced legal precarity under Trump. The first Trump administration also tried to end TPS for Haiti and several other countries in 2017, and appeared poised to succeed in 2020 after years of federal litigation. After Trump lost the election, however, President Joe Biden took office and extended it.
US deportations to Haiti are ongoing, with 12 ICE flights happening in 2025 — a small number that would increase if TPS ends. Deportation flights are not landing in the main airport in Port-au-Prince because it is closed to US flights due to gangs shooting at planes.
As they sit in legal limbo, Dorsainvil said Haitians in Springfield are afraid to leave the house. “They are reluctant to come out and continue to be cautious, because if they come out on the street, anything can happen to them,” Dorsainvil said.
As with Minneapolis, volunteers in Springfield are creating a rapid response network to keep their immigrant neighbors safe. A volunteer-run coalition of faith-based groups called G92 has hosted “know your rights” trainings for several months. Even after the court ruling, they hosted another training on Tuesday night.
“We realized we have to do something,” said Marjory Wentworth, an American volunteer with the G92 leadership team who serves on the board of the Haitian Support Center. “They’re targeting people based on the color of their skin and their accent — that’s unconscionable.”
The January killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis have only further stoked fears in the community about the dangers an ICE operation could bring. During a recent Zoom meeting, Wentworth said they discussed ordering bulletproof vests.
“This is a new reality,” Dorsainvil said. “If you’re not an immigrant, and you try to support an immigrant, things can happen to you too.”
Ultimately, though, Haitian immigrants have little control over their time in the US, because there are few pathways to stay long term.
The Haitian Support Center continues to coordinate with other groups to mobilize volunteers to bring groceries to people who are afraid to leave the house. Some people were laid off before the court ruling, because employers were unsure of their status, so the Center is providing rental assistance until they find work. Dorsainvil said attorneys are on hand to help parents develop a plan in case they are detained.
“They’re telling them to give guardianship to a person they trust in case they are being detained or deported, for those kids to have a person to look after them,” he said.
Immigration attorney Inna Simakovsky is providing legal help to Haitians in Springfield. She has been receiving calls for months from groups who were concerned about kids whose parents were facing deportation.
“The possibility of TPS going away for Haitians is pretty good, but hopefully it’ll take a long time,” she said, adding that applying for asylum is another way that Haitians can try to stay in the United States.
Jozef’s Haitian Bridge Alliance began outreach to Haitian communities across the country in the run-up to Trump taking office, warning them to make a family plan for children if their parents were detained.
“We realized that [if TPS expires] this will be the largest family separation in modern US history,” Jozef said. “As long as they have no pathway to permanent status, the fear of family separation, the fear of deportation, continues to loom over them.”
Although Ohio decisively voted for Trump, local and state officials are showing support for Haitians, in part due to their large contribution to the economy. Springfield Mayor Rob Rue said in a statement that the ruling “provides clarity and stability for families who are already part of our community. It reflects the reality that many individuals are working, paying taxes, raising families and contributing every day to the life of our city.”
Before the court ruling, Ohio’s Republican governor, Mike DeWine, who is from Springfield and runs a school in Haiti, called removing TPS for Haitians a mistake. “You have a whole bunch of people, thousands of people in Ohio who are working, making a living, supporting their families, helping the economy grow,” he told reporters.
DeWine said the Ohio State Highway Patrol would be ready to support local police in case of a surge in immigration agents, and called on agents to follow good policing practices. Ohio lacks local sanctuary laws, meaning local law enforcement can cooperate with federal immigration operations, including by handing over people with removal orders who end up in local jails.
Ultimately, though, Haitian immigrants have little control over their time in the US, because there are few pathways to stay long term.
“You cannot plan for the future as an immigrant here, because you don’t know when things can happen to you,” Dorsainvil said. “You just live day by day.”
2026-02-07 07:40:00
2月1日，南希·古思里（Nancy Guthrie）的失踪事件引发了美国公众的广泛关注，因为它结合了两个最吸引眼球的话题：名人和悲剧。过去一周，今日秀（Today show）的气氛变得沉重，因为共同主持人萨凡娜·古思里（Savannah Guthrie）因母亲失踪而缺席。据警方称，古思里的母亲是在亚利桑那州图森市附近住所被绑架的。随着警方试图找到嫌疑人或相关人士，案件细节变得愈发黑暗，而公众也对此事议论纷纷，无法移开目光。
调查始于上周日，当时南希·古思里没有出现在教堂，促使社区成员通知她的家人。在家人报警后，亚利桑那州警方前往其住所，发现了一个“犯罪现场”，并开始搜寻。警方随后公布了古思里失踪当晚的时间线，其中包括她的门铃摄像头被断开，以及她的心脏起搏器应用程序与手机断开连接等细节。这些基本事实本身已经令人震惊，而案件与今日秀主持人萨凡娜·古思里有关，更让整个事件显得混乱不堪。
然而，这正是当前媒体环境下令人不安的事件类型。南希·古思里的失踪正好处于公众将名人犯罪故事视为娱乐素材的交叉点。在“真凶文化”盛行的今天，这类新闻不再只是被观察或同情，而是成为一种互动媒介，让网络观众纷纷发表自己的猜测，进行所谓的“业余侦探工作”。对于博主和内容创作者来说，扮演这些热门事件的专家甚至可以带来收益。
类似的事件发生在去年12月，当好莱坞导演罗布·里纳（Rob Reiner）及其妻子米歇尔·里纳（Michelle Reiner）据称被他们的儿子尼克·里纳（Nick Reiner）杀害后。此后，创作者们纷纷分析尼克的肢体语言和旧采访中的言论，甚至将他们参加的由喜剧演员康纳·奥布莱恩（Conan O’Brien）主持的星光熠熠的圣诞派对作为讨论的焦点。同样地，围绕南希·古思里失踪的讨论也已带上阴谋论和八卦的色彩。许多TikTok用户急于发布自己的“理论”来猜测谁可能是绑架者。与此同时，萨凡娜·古思里及其兄弟姐妹在社交媒体上发布的求救视频，也被业余侦探们分析，导致毫无根据的猜测，甚至怀疑这个家庭可能卷入其中。
TMZ（美国知名八卦媒体）的介入则标志着悲剧转化为网络八卦的最后一步。周二，这家臭名昭著的名人新闻机构透露，他们收到了一封要求支付数百万美元比特币的勒索信；警方也确认，其他同意不报道此事的媒体也收到了类似的信件。与此同时，一名来自加利福尼亚州的男子周三被捕，被指控假扮成疑似绑架者，向古思里一家发送了虚假的赎金要求。
由此可见，当个人悲剧成为公众关注的焦点时，人们有多种方式介入其中，进一步加剧了混乱。如今，公众似乎又回到了一种类似90年代末至2000年代中期的八卦文化中的窥视心理。尽管许多人如今对那个时代持批评态度，但人们仍从远处集体谴责它。随着社交媒体日益变得“寄生式”、“无序”且具有盈利性，人们被激励以这种方式使用它。一位失踪的84岁女性也不例外。
A heavy feeling has loomed over the Today show for the past week: Co-anchor Savannah Guthrie has been noticeably absent while dealing with an extremely public nightmare.
On February 1, authorities began searching for Guthrie’s 84-year-old mother, Nancy Guthrie, following what is now believed to be an abduction from her home outside of Tucson, Arizona. As police try to identify a suspect or even a person of interest, the details of the case have become increasingly dark. And the public can’t look away.
The investigation began last Sunday when Nancy Guthrie didn’t show up to church, prompting community members to notify her family. After her family called 911, Arizona law enforcement went to her home, discovered what Pima County Sheriff Chris Nanos described as a “crime scene,” and then began search efforts. Authorities have since released a timeline of the night Guthrie disappeared; it says, among other details, that her doorbell camera was disconnected and that her pacemaker app had been disconnected from her phone.
The basic facts of Nancy Guthrie’s case are shocking enough. And its connection to the Today host who brightly delivers news and human interest stories to millions of Americans every morning makes the story even more disorienting.
But it’s the kind of disturbing saga that thrives in our current media landscape. Nancy Guthrie’s disappearance sits at the intersection of two subjects the American public treats as fodder for entertainment: celebrity and tragedy.
In a post-true crime world, news stories like Guthrie’s aren’t just observed or even necessarily sympathized with. Instead, personal tragedies have become a source of interactive media, allowing online spectators to chime in with their theories and do their own sort of nebulous “detective work.” For bloggers and content creators, posing as experts on these trending stories can even be profitable.
A similar phenomenon occurred after the deaths of Hollywood director Rob Reiner and his wife Michelle Reiner, allegedly at the hands of their son, Nick Reiner, last December. Creators spent the following days evaluating Nick Reiner’s body language and soundbites in old interviews. Details about the family’s whereabouts the night of the Reiners’ death, when they attended a star-studded holiday party hosted by comedian Conan O’Brien, became added “tea” to speculate about.
Similarly, the conversation around Nancy Guthrie’s disappearance has already taken on a conspiratorial, gossipy tone. Many TikTok users are eager to post their own “theories” as to who is responsible for the alleged abduction. Meanwhile, videos that Savannah Guthrie and her siblings posted to social media, pleading with their mother’s presumed kidnappers to release her, are being dissected by amateur sleuths and have led to baseless speculation about the family’s involvement in her disappearance.
That TMZ became a part of the story is the final step in the tragedy-to-online-gossip pipeline. On Tuesday, the notorious celebrity news outlet revealed it had received a ransom note demanding millions of dollars in Bitcoin; authorities confirmed a note was sent to other news outlets that agreed not to report on it. Meanwhile, a California man was arrested on Wednesday, accused of pretending to be the suspected abductor; he allegedly contacted the Guthrie family with a fake ransom demand. It turns out there are multiple ways someone can insert themselves in another person’s tragedy when it becomes a public spectacle, adding more chaos to an already awful situation.
It’s been dizzying to watch the public revert to a sort of voyeurism that’s largely associated with the late ’90s and mid-2000s tabloid culture — an era that many of the people who lived through it now rebuke. It’s a time period we like to collectively rebuke from a distance. As social media becomes increasingly parasocial, lawless, and monetizable, people are incentivized to use it this way. A missing 84-year-old woman is no exception.
2026-02-07 06:20:00
2026年2月5日，特朗普总统在华盛顿特区出席了第74届国家祈祷早餐会。| Alex Wong/Getty Images
本文出自《The Logoff》——一份帮助你了解特朗普政府动态，同时避免政治新闻占据你生活的每日简报。点击此处订阅。
欢迎来到《The Logoff》：特朗普的种族主义言论让他的党内感到不安。发生了什么？特朗普在深夜发布了一段62秒的种族主义视频，将其个人社交媒体平台Truth Social上的内容中，将奥巴马夫妇的脸部叠加在猿猴上。该视频随后被删除，并被归咎于一名失误的工作人员，尽管这一说法并不令人信服。然而，这种迅速的跨党派反对反应，最初白宫却轻描淡写地将其称为“一段互联网迷因视频，描绘特朗普为丛林之王，民主党人为《狮子王》中的角色。”（事实上，《狮子王》这部广受喜爱的儿童电影中并没有猿猴。）
共和党人如何回应？比以往更加激烈。例如，参议员Tim Scott（南卡罗来纳州，共和党）表示：“我祈祷这视频是假的，因为这是我在白宫见过最种族主义的言论。”参议员Roger Wicker（密西西比州，共和党）称该视频“完全不可接受”，并要求特朗普道歉。众议员Mike Lawler（纽约州，共和党）也呼吁道歉，并称该视频“错误且极其冒犯。”
背景是什么？特朗普的种族主义言论可以追溯到他2016年总统竞选之前，当时他称美国的墨西哥移民是“强奸犯”，将犯罪和毒品带入美国。自从他去年重返白宫以来，他的言论变得更加恶劣：他曾称索马里移民为“垃圾”和“低智商”，并且他的政府在许多公开场合中使用了白人至上主义的图像和口号。
大局如何？特朗普的这一言论虽然明显带有种族主义色彩，但并未揭示他任何新的特质。然而，共和党的反应却更值得关注。目前没有迹象表明他们的反对意见代表了与党内领导人的任何持久决裂。共和党人对特朗普的批评意愿，可以作为衡量他们对特朗普以及他们自身在选民中的地位感受的指标。目前看来，情况并不乐观。
好了，现在是时候下线了。本周日，西雅图海鹰队将争夺他们的第二座超级碗冠军奖杯，而我的希望和梦想都寄托在这只来自纳什维尔动物园、看起来很聪明的“威尔伯”树懒身上——它预测了海鹰队的胜利。祝海鹰队好运，度过一个愉快的周末，我们周一再见！
This story appeared in The Logoff, a daily newsletter that helps you stay informed about the Trump administration without letting political news take over your life. Subscribe here.
Welcome to The Logoff: President Donald Trump’s racism is making his party antsy.
What happened? Overnight, Trump posted a racist, 62-second video to his personal Truth Social feed depicting Barack and Michelle Obama’s faces superimposed on apes.
The post has since been deleted — and attributed, unconvincingly, to an errant staffer — after a quick bipartisan backlash, but only after the White House initially brushed it off as “an internet meme video depicting President Trump as the King of the Jungle and Democrats as characters from the Lion King.” (There are, as some observers have noted, no apes in the beloved children’s movie The Lion King.)
How have Republicans responded? Much more vocally than usual. Among others: Sen. Tim Scott (R-SC), who is Black, wrote that he was “Praying [the video] was fake because it’s the most racist thing I’ve seen out of this White House.” Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) described the video as “totally unacceptable” and said Trump should apologize. Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) also called for an apology and said the post was “wrong and incredibly offensive.”
What’s the context? Trump has a long history of racism, dating back well before his 2016 presidential campaign, which he began by declaring Mexican immigrants to the US “rapists” who were bringing crime and drugs into the country.
Since returning to office last year, Trump’s rhetoric has grown even uglier: He has referred to Somali immigrants as “garbage” and “low-IQ,” and his administration has embraced white supremacist imagery and slogans in many public posts.
What’s the big picture? Trump’s post, while brazenly racist, doesn’t really tell us anything new about him. The GOP response, however, is more interesting. There’s no reason to suspect their pushback represents any kind of durable break with the leader of their party. Republicans’ willingness to criticize Trump, however, can be a useful barometer for how they’re feeling about his — and by extension, their — standing with voters. Right now, it’s not looking good.
The Seattle Seahawks are playing for a second Super Bowl title on Sunday, and my hopes and dreams rest on this wise-looking creature from the Nashville Zoo — Wilbur the binturong, who picked Seattle to win — being right. Go Hawks, have a great weekend, and we’ll see you back here on Monday!
2026-02-06 23:45:00
21岁的伊利亚·马林宁（Ilia Malinin）被认为是美国在米兰-科尔蒂纳冬奥会夺金的热门人选。花样滑冰需要紧张感，运动员在光滑的冰面上高速滑行，依靠薄薄的金属冰刀保持平衡并做出急转弯。他们似乎违背物理定律，腾空跳跃并旋转身体，快得让人难以置信。毫厘之差可能决定成功或失败，风险与回报并存，胜负往往取决于小数点后的数字。
观看美国选手马林宁滑冰的悖论在于，他技艺高超，常常让比赛失去悬念。他完成最难的跳跃，打破得分纪录，当他在最佳状态时，唯一的问题就是谁会获得第二名。这位被称为“四转跳之神”的21岁选手已成为一种令人敬畏的稳定存在。他的惊人跳跃能力和标志性的四转跳（quad axel）使他成为2026年米兰-科尔蒂纳冬奥会夺金的热门人选。马林宁正在改变美国人对花样滑冰的认知，以及他们认为这项运动中可能实现的极限。如果他赢得金牌，这将是一个历史性的成就。而令人惊讶的是，观看马林宁在这些奥运会上的表现时，他还有可能变得更强。
为什么四转跳让马林宁成为花样滑冰金牌的热门人选？无论你是否喜欢花样滑冰，你都可能听说过这项运动最著名的跳跃动作——三周跳（triple axel），这是一种三又二分之一圈的技巧，曾在奥运历史上留下无数传奇和遗憾。1978年，加拿大选手文·泰勒（Vern Taylor）首次在国际比赛中完成这一动作，之后许多选手尝试并最终掌握了它。三周跳被认为是所有跳跃中最难的，因为它多出半圈，而且起跳方向是面向前方（其他跳跃则是背向冰面起跳，因此被认为更容易，这也是为什么三周跳比三周跳的其他变种得分更高）。随着时间的推移，其他五个跳跃（翻转、后内跳、后外跳、勾手跳、后外跳）逐渐增加了旋转次数，但四转跳（quad axel）似乎难以实现。日本选手羽生结弦（Yuzuru Hanyu）在2022年北京冬奥会上尝试了四转跳，但未能成功。也许人类的身体并不适合跳得那么高、转得那么快、承受那么大的扭矩，同时还要在冰面上滑行。在羽生尝试四转跳44年后，马林宁在2022年 Skate America 冰舞比赛上完成了历史上第一个四转跳，当时他只有17岁。自那以后，马林宁只在一次重要比赛中失利，即2023年法国大奖赛中获得银牌。如果有人能解释为什么马林宁能完成四转跳而其他人不能，他们将获得整个滑冰界的高度关注，甚至可能被当作“天才”来追捧。
专家认为，马林宁之所以能完成四转跳，是因为他具备出色的技巧，能够最大化跳跃的高度和旋转次数。同时，科学家研究发现，马林宁在四转跳中的垂直跳跃高度比其他选手的三周跳更高。这些无法用物理定律完全解释的技巧，正是马林宁的“魔法”。
“四转跳是区分选手的关键因素，”滑冰记者兼分析师、Rocker Skating网站创始人吴杰基（Jackie Wong）在飞往米兰之前告诉Vox，“它让马林宁能够建立巨大的优势，从而在比赛中以远超世界顶尖选手的分数获胜。”
吴杰基还表示：“马林宁的特别之处在于他敢于挑战高难度动作，并且能够完美执行。”
目前的评分体系鼓励运动员冒险，最难的动作得分最高。完成越多、越好的动作，得分越高。而在男子滑冰项目中，没有比马林宁的四转跳更难、得分更高的动作了。
吴杰基指出：“过去我们见过一些运动员敢于挑战高难度动作，但往往无法成功。而马林宁的特别之处在于他不仅敢于挑战，还能成功完成。”
我问吴杰基是否可以把马林宁的天赋与篮球界的斯蒂芬·库里（Steph Curry）或体操界的凯蒂·克拉克（Caitlin Clark）相提并论。他回答说，虽然库里和克拉克的远距离投篮能力令人惊叹，但篮球比赛不会允许他们同时得分超过3分。因此，马林宁更像体操界的西蒙·拜尔斯（Simone Biles），尽管拜尔斯在体操领域的统治力无法复制，但马林宁同样在做其他选手无法做到的事情，并且在长节目中共完成多达七个四转跳，这在比赛中非常罕见。
马林宁的出现，让比赛变得异常激烈，甚至在2025年世锦赛上，他以超过31分的优势击败了世界银牌得主米哈伊尔·谢伊多罗夫（Mikhail Shaidorov）。吴杰基表示：“我认为在过去三年里，他只输过一次比赛，这在花样滑冰界是非常罕见的。”
马林宁和四转跳的出现，可能在米兰奥运会上为美国男子滑冰带来历史性突破：如果他赢得金牌，这将是自1988年以来，美国首次在连续两届奥运会上获得男子滑冰金牌。此外，马林宁可能象征着美国男子滑冰的回归，并为新一代美国选手带来新的范式转变。
在1984年斯科特·汉密尔顿（Scott Hamilton）夺冠和1988年布莱恩·博伊塔诺（Brian Boitano）的精彩表现之后，美国男子滑冰曾经历了一段金牌荒。直到2010年，埃文·利萨切克（Evan Lysacek）才赢得金牌，但当时被认为是一次意外。此后，直到2022年，美国才再次获得金牌，由纳坦·陈（Nathan Chen）完成。陈在比赛中完成了五个四转跳，这一成就在当时令人震惊。他不仅战胜了对手，还以超过20分的优势夺冠。
马林宁虽然没有参加2022年冬奥会，但据美国滑冰协会的高级教练贾斯汀·迪隆（Justin Dillon）所说，他一直在关注陈的比赛。迪隆表示：“当我们在某个项目中拥有值得学习的运动员时，所有年轻选手都会想，‘我也可以做到。’马林宁的出现让伊利亚成为可能，而下一代选手则会因为他的成功而受到激励。”
迪隆和其他专家指出，美国拥有像陈和马林宁这样连续两届的天才选手，这在花样滑冰界是罕见的。两人都是“一代人”的代表，美国在连续两届奥运会上拥有这样的热门选手，就像中了彩票一样。即使美国在接下来的四年里找不到马林宁的接班人，他的存在也能激励新一代滑冰选手，扩大潜在人才的池子。
在2016年担任美国滑冰协会发展主管之前，迪隆曾负责发现年轻人才。他指出，过去美国滑冰协会从未真正拥有专门的青年人才选拔机制。他走遍美国，寻找有潜力的年轻选手。马林宁、阿莉莎·刘（Alysa Liu）和伊莎贝拉·利维托（Isabeau Levito）等2026年美国奥运滑冰队成员，都是他发现的潜力股。
当被问及美国滑冰协会在寻找下一个陈或马林宁时关注什么，迪隆表示关键在于找到那些能在空中快速旋转的年轻选手。旋转速度比跳跃高度更能体现四转跳所需的技能。
“四转跳通常在青少年时期发展，因此需要在那个年龄段就识别出天赋，”迪隆说，“大概在8、9、10岁左右。”
这意味着，美国滑冰协会需要在三、四年级的小学生中就发现潜在的四转跳选手。这是一种培养人才的策略，与过去的方式有所不同。但滑冰分析师吴杰基指出，现在在青少年比赛中完成四转跳的选手并不一定比以前的选手更有天赋，只是他们更早地接受了训练。
四转跳决定了得分，得分决定了奖牌，而奖牌又决定了滑冰协会的训练方式。一旦四转跳成为比赛的关键，所有教练方法、对年轻选手的培养方式以及他们的训练目标都会随之改变。
“一旦这些连锁反应开始，所有关于年轻选手的训练和培养方式都会发生变化，”吴杰基说，“这是一个整体的连锁反应，不是一蹴而就的。”
马林宁的天赋和潜力令人惊叹。过去三年，他让最难的动作变得像家常便饭一样，使比赛变成了一场场“加冕仪式”。而想到他还有可能变得更强，这或许会为他的滑冰生涯带来久违的紧张感。
Figure skating is nothing without tension. Humans speed across slick ice, balancing on a thin metal blade and making sharp turns. The athletes defy physics, jumping and twisting their bodies in the air, seemingly faster than you can blink. Millimeters can mean the difference between success and splat, risk goes hand in hand with reward, and winning or losing can come down to decimal points.
The paradox of watching American Ilia Malinin skate is that he’s so good, there often isn’t any suspense. He lands the most difficult jumps. He breaks scoring records left and right. And when he skates his best, the only real question is who is getting second place.
The 21-year-old “quad god” has become a staggering, intimidating constant.
Malinin’s astonishing jumping ability and his vaunted quadruple axel make him the heavy favorite to take home gold at the 2026 Milan Cortina Olympics. Malinin is already changing the way we think about figure skating in the US and what is believed to be possible within the sport. If he wins, it would be a historic achievement.
And the one staggering thing to keep in mind watching Ilia Malinin in these Olympics? He could get even better.
Whether you’re a fan of figure skating or not, you are probably aware of the sport’s most famous jump: the triple axel, a three-and-a-half revolution trick that has immortalized and haunted so many routines in Olympic history.
Canadian Vern Taylor became the first person to land it in international competition in 1978, and many attempted and then perfected the jump in the decades that followed. The axel is considered the most difficult of all the jumps across skating’s four levels, mainly because of its extra half revolution and its forward-facing takeoff. (Skaters launch themselves back-first in all the other jumps, which is considered easier, and why a triple lutz is less difficult and thus worth fewer points than a triple axel.)
As time went on, skaters began adding more and more turns to the sport’s other five jumps — flip, loop, lutz, toe loop, salchow — but adding an additional revolution to the axel seemed too difficult.
Japan’s Yuzuru Hanyu, arguably the greatest figure skater of all time, attempted a quad axel at the 2022 Beijing Olympics, but did not land it. Perhaps the human body simply wasn’t made to jump that high, spin that fast, absorb that much torque, all while carving through ice.
Forty-four years later after Taylor’s first triple axel and months after Hanyu’s Olympic try at a quad, Ilia Malinin did the impossible.
Malinin, then 17, landed the first quadruple axel in history — the International Skating Union only counts jumps if they’re landed in a competition — about 22 seconds into his long program at Skate America in Norwood, Massachusetts. Malinin has only lost one major competition since that 2022 season, coming in second at the 2023 Grand Prix de France.
If someone could explain exactly why it is that Malinin is able to hit the quadruple axel when no one else can, they’d have the entire skating world knocking on their door, pulling up in armored trucks filled to the brim with money. Generational athletes — Serena Williams, Michael Phelps, LeBron James, and Malinin — are the greatest because they can do things that we can’t fully explain.
Figure skating experts told me that Malinin is a master technician, which allows him to maximize the height and rotation on his jumps. Meanwhile, scientists have studied Malinin’s quad axel and believe the secret is that he jumps higher vertically on it compared to his peers’ triple axels. The stuff that physics still can’t explain is Malinin magic.
“It is a differentiator,” Jackie Wong, a skating journalist, analyst, and founder of the website Rocker Skating, told Vox right before flying to Milan, where he’s covering the 2026 Games. “It is something that allows Ilia to build up such a huge advantage that he can win competitions by a massive number of points over the best skaters in the world.”
“The amazing thing about Ilia is that he puts this really hard stuff out there and executes it.”
Jackie Wong, skating journalist and analyst
The way skating is currently scored puts a high value on and ultimately rewards risk. The trickiest elements of a program are worth the most points. The more you land and the better that you land them, the higher the score. And there is nothing in men’s skating that is trickier or worth more than Malinin’s quad axel. (I say it’s his because he’s still the only person in the universe that can land it.)
“We’ve seen skaters in the past who have done the risk and reward thing and put out a whole bunch of hard stuff, but then they don’t land it,” Wong said. “The amazing thing about Ilia is that he puts this really hard stuff out there and executes it.”
I asked Wong to compare Malinin’s talent to other star athletes. Is he the Steph Curry or Caitlin Clark of figure skating? Wong said no, because even though only a few players can shoot from the distance they do, basketball doesn’t allow Curry and Clark to score more than three points at a time. Wong finally settled on one example, with a few caveats: Simone Biles, arguably the greatest American athlete of all time.
To be clear, Wong said, Biles’s dominance over gymnastics cannot be compared or replicated. Her superiority and longevity is singular. But Malinin, like Biles, is doing things that no other competitor can do and hitting these elements — potentially seven quadruple jumps in his long program — at a consistent clip. Malinin, like Biles, has taken a sport that’s judged to the decimal point and turned competitions into blowouts. At the 2025 World Championships, Malinin outscored world silver medalist Mikhail Shaidorov by more than 31 points.
“He’s lost, I think, one competition in the last three years,” Wong said. “In figure skating, that’s pretty rare.”
Malinin and his quad axel have the chance to do something special in Milan: If he wins, it will be the first time since 1988 that the United States will have won gold in men’s figure skating in consecutive Olympics Games.
Malinin may also symbolize what skating experts see as not only the US’s return to dominance, but a paradigm shift for the next generation of American skaters.
After Scott Hamilton’s win in 1984 and Brian Boitano’s dazzling performance in ’88, the US men went through a gold medal drought. Evan Lysacek won in 2010, but that was largely considered an upset. After Lysacek, the US wouldn’t get on top of the podium again until Nathan Chen in 2022.
Chen landed five quadruple jumps on his way to victory — a feat considered staggering at the time. Chen didn’t just eke by the competition; he won by more than 20 points. Malinin, who was not selected for those Games, was paying attention, according to Justin Dillon, the US Figure Skating’s chief of high performance.
“When we have an athlete in a discipline to look up to, all of the young athletes that watch the Olympics think, ‘I can do that too,’” Dillon told Vox. “Ilia watching Nathan makes Ilia possible, and then the next generation watching Ilia makes them possible.”
Dillon and other experts I spoke to said that having a talent like Chen immediately followed by one like Malinin is a figure skating anomaly. Both Chen and Malinin are considered generational athletes, and the US having both athletes as favorites in consecutive Olympics is akin to winning the lottery.
Even if US Figure Skating doesn’t find Malinin’s successor during the next quadrennial, the fact that a new generation will be watching him at these Games helps broaden the pool of potential skaters — athletes that Dillon and US Figure Skating want to cultivate and grow.
Before taking on his current role, Dillon was hired as US Figure Skating’s development director in 2016. He was tasked with spotting young talent, a space that Dillon says “never really existed” in the federation. Dillon traveled across the US and scouted juniors, looking for strong skaters that the US could develop. Several members of the 2026 US Olympic figure skating team, including Malinin, Alysa Liu, and Isabeau Levito, are athletes he saw on the trail.
I asked Dillon what US Figure Skating is looking for when trying to identify the next Chen or Malinin. The key, he said, is finding kids who can quickly rotate in the air. The speed of their rotations — more than the height of their jumps — is the skill that most directly translates to quadruple jumps at the next level.
The idea that he could get even better might, for the first time in quite a while, inject real tension in Malinin’s skating.
“Quads are usually developed in the teenage years, and you need to identify the talent before that age,” Dillon said. “Eight, nine, and 10 years old — pretty much around that age.”
Yes, that means spotting potential quad jumpers when they’re third- and fourth-graders. It’s a good strategy to develop talent, and it’s a departure from how things may have been done in previous eras. But Wong, the skating analyst, noted that the kids who are now doing quad jumps in juniors aren’t inherently more talented than their forebears. “It’s that they were prepared to do these jumps at a much earlier age,” he says.
Quads dictate scores, which dictate medals, which then dictates the kinds of training and development that figure skating federations are employing.
“Once those dominoes were set, all of the coaching techniques, how you think about young skaters, and what you prepare them for — all of that changed,” Wong said. “It’s a whole chain effect. It didn’t happen overnight.”
The conventional wisdom of figure skating is that there will always be tension between athleticism and artistry — that the more that the sport values one, the less care will be paid to the other. And it makes sense that the more points quadruple jumps are worth, the more skaters will focus on them as opposed to layback spins or spirals.
But Malinin is so good, he doesn’t necessarily have to choose. He has the potential to be both a master technician and a wonderful artist. It’s probably not a coincidence that Malinin cites Hanyu Yuzuru as his inspiration. What made Hanyu so special was that he was able to blend artistry — the shapes he created with his body, the position of his arms and legs, his connection to the music, creating beauty in between the jumps, his step sequences, etc. — with sheer athleticism.
Sandra Bezic, a Canadian champion pairs skater and choreographer, believes Malinin has a desire to get better at all facets of the sport, not just the quads.
“He’s such a charismatic performer. He cares about his connection to the audience. He cares about his music. He cares about his choreography,” she told Vox. “We’re all a little blinded by his incredible jumps, the multiple quads.” But she believes it’s worth keeping an eye on his artistry too, especially as he gets older. “From what I’ve observed, I think he’s excited to continue to develop in that way.”
“You can’t be an artist without living,” Bezic said, noting that, at 21, Malinin is still young. (Hanyu was 19 when he won his first Olympics.) “You have to live. You have to experience life and loss and love. You can have innate qualities and feel the music and have that in you, but you won’t reach your potential until you’ve lived.”
That there’s still more for Malinin to learn and untapped potential left for him to fulfill is wild to think about. During the past three years, he’s made the sport’s most difficult tricks look routine and turned competitions into coronations. The idea that he could get even better might, for the first time in quite a while, inject real tension in Malinin’s skating.
2026-02-06 21:30:00
利用希望六号（HOPE VI）资金在辛辛那提建设的住房项目。| 摄影：Torti Gallas + Partners
美国上世纪的大规模公共住房项目是一场雄心勃勃的实验，但其受欢迎的时间却非常短暂。这些简朴、常常是高层建筑的住房项目在数十年内迅速遍布美国各大城市，主要集中在1930年代到1960年代之间。然而，随着这些住房项目逐渐陷入长期的维护问题和贫困集中，政治界很快便形成了拆除它们的共识。1992年，国会设立了希望六号计划，为美国各地的许多受损公共住房建筑提供资金，以拆除它们并重建为新的、混合收入社区。这些新社区通常由公共住房、补贴住房以及市场价住房组成，多为低层联排别墅和较小的公寓楼，更加融入城市街道网络。这被《城市研究所》（Urban Institute）的一份报告称为美国住房政策的“重大转变”。
然而，这一政策转变也引发了广泛的反对声音，一些人担心低收入居民会被迫搬迁，而且并非所有被拆除的住房单元都会被替代。为了了解这一政策转变对过去几十年家庭生活的影响，包括哈佛大学经济学家拉吉·切蒂（Raj Chetty）在内的学者团队，研究了美国各地约200个通过希望六号计划重建的住房项目，从亚特兰大到西雅图再到埃尔帕索。他们发现，希望六号计划显著提高了低收入儿童未来收入的可能性，关键在于这些儿童能够与更富裕的儿童建立友谊。这些发现发表在最近由美国国家经济研究局（NBER）发布的一份工作论文中。
这种跨阶层的融合对贫困儿童的好处似乎并不令人惊讶。儿童天生善于吸收周围环境的期望和榜样，对世界能提供什么可能性极为敏感。但切蒂和他的合著者们使用了比以往更严谨的社会科学研究方法，展示了住房项目如何传递优势或加剧劣势。这些发现与美国中世纪城市规划失误的经典批评相呼应，解释了美国公共住房为何失败，并为建设促进社会联系和广泛共享繁荣与尊严的城市提供了蓝图。
研究人员主要关注了约109,000名1978年至1990年间出生、成长于希望六号项目中的儿童。与那些继续居住在未被改造的公共住房中的同龄人相比，这些儿童有17%的可能性进入大学，而男孩后来入狱的可能性则降低了20%。每多住一年新住房，儿童未来的收入平均增长2.8%，这意味着那些整个童年都住在重建住房中的儿童，收入平均增长了50%。
然而，低收入成年人并未从中获得同样的好处，这反映了形成期的同伴群体和生活期望的重要性。研究人员将儿童的成果归因于他们与附近高收入同伴建立的早期社会联系。他们发现，这些成果并不能用其他因素来解释，比如当地学校改善；在未被项目改造的邻近社区中，同样没有观察到这种收益。因此，这些成果依赖于混合收入住宅区，使儿童的日常社交世界得以接触。
研究人员通过多种实证方法验证了这些联系，包括使用Facebook数据来衡量跨阶层的友谊。相比之下，原始的住房项目并未促进混合收入的社会互动，实际上，它们将贫困家庭与城市其他部分隔离开来，仿佛有意为之。论文作者写道：“这些受损的公共住房项目本质上是与周边社区几乎没有社会互动的孤岛。”这些项目不仅将富人和穷人社区分隔开来，其物理设计也带有污名化和敌意的色彩：常常是大型塔楼聚集在一起，周围是隔离的空旷空间。
20世纪的作家和城市规划者简·雅各布斯（Jane Jacobs）曾严厉批评这种中世纪的城市设计理念，其中公共住房项目是其一部分。她认为这种做法忽视了人类的需求，将城市视为可以自上而下重新组织的机器。雅各布斯指出，这些住房项目的贫困影响不仅源于贫困的高度集中，还源于一种根本上反城市、破坏城市生活的设计方式。
也许将公共住房项目的住宅塔楼称为“反城市”听起来奇怪。难道高耸的建筑和密集的住房不是城市生活的本质吗？但请考虑一下普莱特-艾戈（Pruitt-Igoe）这个臭名昭著的圣路易斯公共住房项目，它在1970年代开始拆除之前只存在了不到二十年。与周围的街道网格相比，这个项目缺乏人性化的小街巷、便利的商店或其他嵌入式目的地，以实现雅各布斯所说的“复杂的街道芭蕾舞”。该项目更像是一个荒凉的、空间不确定的孤岛，将低收入家庭与城市其他部分隔离开来，并通过大片死区使这种隔离更加严重。
这些住房项目所引发的犯罪问题，雅各布斯认为并非源于居民的道德缺陷，而是源于空旷空间剥夺了普通城市社区中家庭所拥有的安全保障机制。雅各布斯的问题并不在于密度，她实际上赞扬密度是城市活力不可或缺的一部分，而在于这种建筑风格。如今，她的批评已被希望六号计划的成果所证实，该计划认识到孤立的超级街区的问题，并试图将公共住房重新融入街道网络中。
当然，美国的公共住房并非仅仅是一场阴谋，将穷人纳入不人道的设计实验中。它与当时许多世界城市中心兴起的现代主义公寓楼一样，源于对拥挤、低质量住房的现实需求，旨在用提供基本现代安全设施和便利设施（如室内厕所和暖气）的住房来替代它们。从理论上讲，这是一个美丽而乌托邦的想法，但其雄心却因结构性种族主义、投资不足以及强化隔离和社会孤立的设计理念而受到损害。
尽管切蒂和他的合著者没有深入探讨现代建筑的优劣，但他们以明确的量化方式呈现了那些定性学者早已观察到的现象：我们所处的建筑环境设计对我们的生活轨迹有着深远的影响。
希望六号计划的花费高达170亿美元，听起来似乎令人望而却步。但研究人员发现，这些儿童未来的经济收益远超政府对每个住房单元进行重建的成本，而且相当一部分税收负担最终也会被抵消（不过，他们并未声称该计划的收益能完全弥补所有成本，包括那些因原住房项目被拆除而无法返回的居民所承受的成本）。
我们今天仍然面临着阶层隔离和糟糕的城市规划带来的后果。研究指出，美国今天的平均低收入社区与希望六号计划帮助重建的那些破旧项目一样孤立。这些项目的遗留问题削弱了公众对公共住房的信任，但政府在帮助那些无法负担私人市场住房的人提供住房方面，仍然有重要的作用。帮助他们融入城市结构并连接到多样化的社会网络，是政府应尽的责任。毕竟，这种跨阶层的生活和流动性，正是城市生活最伟大的承诺。
America’s era of big public housing projects was a grand experiment whose period of favor was remarkably short-lived.
The austere, often high-rise complexes rose across US cities in a few decades, mostly from the 1930s to 1960s. But as they became marooned by chronic disrepair and concentrated poverty, the political consensus to tear them down formed just as quickly. By 1992, Congress had created the HOPE VI program, which provided funding to demolish many distressed public housing buildings in cities across the US and replace them with new, mixed-income developments.
These newer neighborhoods have been made up of a mix of public housing, subsidized housing, and market-rate units, often consisting of low-rise townhomes and smaller apartment buildings that were much more integrated into surrounding city street grids. It was a “dramatic turnaround” in US housing policy, as a report from the Urban Institute, a social and economic policy think tank, put it. It also drew a chorus of opposition at the time, from those who feared — not entirely incorrectly — that residents would be displaced and not all demolished housing units would be replaced.
To understand how that policy shift has impacted the lives of families in the intervening decades, a team of scholars, including Harvard economist Raj Chetty, known for his field-defining work on the drivers of economic mobility in the US, looked at some 200 housing projects revitalized under HOPE VI in cities across the US — from Atlanta to Seattle to El Paso. They found that HOPE VI dramatically increased the future earnings of low-income children who grew up in the rebuilt neighborhoods — crucially by allowing them to form friendships with more affluent children. The findings are reported in a recent working paper published by the National Bureau of Economic Research.
That cross-class integration greatly benefits poor kids may not sound like a surprising discovery. Children are sponges for the expectations and examples that surround them, exquisitely sensitive to what the world trains them to believe is possible. But Chetty and his co-authors show these effects in housing projects with more rigorous social-scientific methods than has been done before, representing a new generation of causal evidence on how neighborhoods can transmit advantage, or heighten disadvantage.
The findings harmonize with canonical critiques of America’s midcentury planning mistakes, together offering an explanation for what went wrong with US public housing, and a blueprint for building cities that enable social connection and broadly shared prosperity and dignity.
The researchers focused primarily on the outcomes of about 109,000 children born between 1978 and 1990 who grew up in HOPE VI public housing. Compared with their peers who remained in non-revitalized public housing, children in the HOPE VI cohort were 17 percent more likely to go to college, and boys were 20 percent less likely to later become incarcerated. For every additional year that they lived in the new housing, children’s future earnings grew on average by 2.8 percent, which corresponds to a 50 percent increase for those who spend their entire childhoods in revitalized housing.
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Low-income adults in the new developments, though, did not see these same benefits, reflecting the importance of the formative years when peer groups and life expectations take root. The researchers attribute children’s outcomes to the early social connections that low-income kids formed with nearby higher-income peers. And the results were not, they found, explained by other factors, like improvements in local schools; the same gains were not observed for nearby children who lived in non-project neighborhoods but likely attended the same schools. Rather, the results depended on the mixed-income residential areas that put kids’ day-to-day social worlds into contact. The researchers validated these ties using a number of empirical methods, including data from Facebook that they used to measure friendships across class lines.
The original housing projects, by contrast, did not facilitate mixed-income social interaction; in fact they obtrusively cordoned off poor families from the rest of the city as if by intention. “Distressed public housing projects were essentially islands that had limited social interaction with nearby communities,” wrote the paper’s authors, who include researchers from Harvard, Cornell University, and the US Census Bureau.
These projects did not merely segregate rich and poor neighborhoods — their very physical design was stigmatizing and hostile: often large towers collected together, set back amid isolating open space. The 20th-century writer and urbanist Jane Jacobs excoriated this midcentury urban design philosophy, of which public housing projects were a part; she argued this approach disregarded human needs and treated cities as machines that could be reorganized from the top down.
The impoverishing effects of housing projects, she argued, were not just the product of hyper-concentrating poverty, but also a consequence of a particular approach to cities — one that was fundamentally anti-urban and destructive to city life.
It might sound strange to call the residential towers characteristic of public housing projects “anti-urban.” Aren’t tall buildings and dense housing the essence of urban life? But consider this image of Pruitt-Igoe, a notorious St. Louis public housing project that lasted not two decades before its demolition began in the 1970s:
Unlike in the surrounding city street grid, this complex lacked human-scale streets, convenient businesses, or any other woven-in destinations to facilitate what Jacobs called the “intricate sidewalk ballet” of a healthy city. The project was instead a desolate island of indeterminate spaces that separated low-income households from the rest of the city, and made that segregation all the worse with vast dead zones that repel normal activity. The crime that came to define the public image of housing projects like this one was a product not of the moral failings of residents, Jacobs argued, but of the emptiness that stripped families of the safety mechanisms that ordinary city neighborhoods possess.
Jacobs’s problem was not with density, which she celebrated as indispensable to city vitality, but with this style of building. And her critique has now been validated by the outcomes from Hope VI, which recognized the problems with isolated superblocks and aimed to integrate public housing back into the street fabric.
Of course, American public housing was not merely some conspiracy to conscript poor people into an experiment in inhumane design. Similar to the modernist apartment blocks going up across many urban centers around the world at the time, US public housing stemmed from a real need to replace overcrowded, substandard dwellings with homes that offered basic modern safety features and amenities like indoor plumbing and heat. In the abstract, it was a beautiful, utopian idea, but its ambitions were marred by structural racism, underinvestment, and a design philosophy that reinforced segregation and social isolation.
Although Chetty and his co-authors don’t dive into debates about the merits of modern architecture, they put into stark quantitative terms what qualitative scholars have long observed: The design of our built environment can have profound effects on the course of our lives.
At $17 billion, the cost of HOPE VI might sound daunting. But the economic gains to the children who grew up in the new housing greatly exceeds the costs to the government of revitalizing each unit, the researchers found, and a significant share of the cost to taxpayers is ultimately offset, too (they don’t, however, claim to know whether the program’s benefits make up for all of its costs, including costs to the residents who were displaced from original public housing units and unable to return). We can learn from these lessons today — we are, of course, still living with the consequences of class segregation and poor urban planning.
The average low-income neighborhood in the US today, the study notes, is just as isolated as the decrepit projects that HOPE VI helped rebuild. The scarred legacy of the projects has strained public faith in public housing, but there is still an important role for government to play in providing housing to people who can’t afford it on the private market, helping them weave into the city fabric and connect to diverse social networks. This kind of cross-class living and mobility is, after all, the great promise of city life.