In late February, not long after President Donald Trump took office again, around six hundred people gathered in Washington, D.C., for a “DOGE appreciation party.” The event was at the penthouse of the Pierce School, a historic building named after President Franklin Pierce. (These days, the person presiding over the penthouse is Brock Pierce, no relation, a crypto tycoon and a former child actor who starred in the 1992 film “The Mighty Ducks.”) The room was full of “big boobs and big ideas,” Kelly Chapman, a contributing writer for the conservative magazine The Spectator, later wrote on Substack. Damir Marusic, a Washington Post editor, recalled overhearing “a group of young men eagerly talking about the Roman Empire.” Before the party, the invitation had made its way to Reddit, and protesters appeared at the event. Outside, they chanted, “Fascists out of D.C.!”
The party was organized by Nick Allen, a thirty-two-year-old co-founder of a fintech company. For the past few years, Allen has become influential by creating new social spaces, especially for young people on the right. His most well-known venture is Sovereign House, an event venue in Lower Manhattan, where he and his friends hosted magazine-issue launches, film screenings, debates, and plays, as well as good old-fashioned parties. The space, which Allen founded in 2023, became a gathering spot for a cross-section of Gen Z-ers: crypto bros, young religious people, internet posters, literary types. Allen’s friends describe him as a Gatsby-esque figure. “Everyone says they know Nick,” one young high-level Trump Administration official told me. “But only a few people really know Nick.”
After Trump was reëlected, several Sovereign House attendees took jobs in the Administration, including in the West Wing, the Justice Department, and various other federal agencies. “Nick is in this weird role where he’s kind of like an embassy in New York for us,” the young Trump official told me—Sovereign House “was where you would go on the weekend to clear your head.” Bart Hutchins, the co-owner and chef of Butterworth’s, a Trumpworld hangout in D.C., said that “during Inauguration week, the Venn diagram of Butterworth’s and Sov could have been a circle.”
“Lotta buzz about your event in the West Wing today,” a friend texted Allen, before the DOGE party. Around 1 A.M., when the party was going strong, Allen noticed a woman trying to clear an area upstairs in the penthouse. “I was, like, ‘What’s going on?’ ” Allen recalled. “She said that Elon was outside.” (Allen didn’t see Elon Musk at the party, and he never figured out whether the rumor of his presence had been true.) Allen generally preferred not to have politicians at Sovereign House events—“it blows the place up,” he told me—but it wasn’t uncommon for notable conservative figures, including Ann Coulter, Christopher Rufo, and the Project Veritas founder James O’Keefe, to come through.
Trump’s first few months in office felt like a victory lap for people on the right, who believed that they had defeated wokeism and won both the election and the culture. Prominent Democrats started retreating from identity politics; Musk waved around a chainsaw onstage at CPAC. MAGA was having a blast. And yet the triumphalism seems to be receding. In New York City, the democratic socialist Zohran Mamdani just won the mayoral election. Nationally, the conservative movement has been eating itself alive over various controversies, such as Tucker Carlson’s recent interview with the white nationalist Nick Fuentes. Capitalizing on backlash is one thing. Creating a long-lasting culture shift on the right is much harder.
Sovereign House was a product of the pandemic era, when many people on the right felt cooped up, censored, and marginalized. Now Allen is launching an event space and social club called Reign, in the same neighborhood, which will test whether the restive energy of the past few years can be channelled into something sustainable. “This part of the right has a lot of energy and talent, but it doesn’t have a lot of organization and competence,” Curt Mills, the executive director of The American Conservative, told me. It’s also lacking in cultural spaces—places for making friends and exchanging ideas, separate from the business of electing politicians. Allen said that the scene he’s cultivating is “for people who want to build again.”
The landscape for young, right-wing ferment in New York is Dimes Square, a micro-neighborhood in Manhattan between Chinatown and the Lower East Side. During COVID, it emerged as a hangout for anti-woke, anti-lockdown hipsters. Transient institutions sprung up, such as Beckett’s—a performance venue that was really just the townhouse where Beckett Rosset, the fiftysomething son of the avant-garde publisher Barney Rosset, lived. Matt Gasda, a writer who staged one of his plays, called “Dimes Square,” at Beckett’s, first met Allen there. “Maybe other people were seeing a place to party,” Gasda said. “Nick clearly saw a model.”
Beckett’s started to wind down in the spring of 2023. Around that time, Allen launched Sovereign House, which hosted events with a similarly artsy profile. Cassidy Grady, a dancer and an actress, staged a series called “Confessions,” in which writers read fictional stories they had spun up out of anonymous admissions of wrongdoing. An indie film company called One Man Army hosted screenings, running together low-budget short films on themes like horror-comedy to create one long, trippy feature. “I’ve gone to Strand events, with big names speaking, and there’s twenty people in the audience,” Noah Kumin, a novelist and the editor-in-chief of a literary magazine called The Mars Review of Books, told me. “And I’ve been to events at Beckett’s and Sovereign House with people reading from self-published books, and it’s packed from wall to wall.”
Sovereign House wasn’t explicitly partisan; Allen wanted the space to be intellectually capacious. He picked the name Sovereign House to signal independence from any kind of authority. And yet, the name also seemed to nod at ideas that have been gaining currency in niche right-wing circles, like establishing an American monarchy or creating independent city-states. Allen hired Matthew Easton, an aggressive poster on X, to curate speakers and circulate the events to minor internet celebrities. Elena Velez, a designer who makes, in her words, “anti-fragile fashion”—lots of corsets and leather, a collaboration with OnlyFans—described Easton as “a true visionary who found a way to create all sorts of productive social friction between the different freaks and geeks du jour.” Allen and Easton viewed Sovereign House differently. “In many ways, Matt felt like a party promoter,” one twentysomething Sovereign House regular, who asked to be identified by his X handle, @coldhealing, told me. “Nick saw that as adjacent to his goals: to make this thing cool.” Allen’s vision was for something like a nineteen-fifties social club, but for the online generation. Although Sovereign House wasn’t uniformly young, part of its appeal was that members of Gen Z—spoon-fed screens as children, immersed in cancel culture as teens, and stuck in COVID lockdowns as they entered young adulthood—could discover the freedom of a social world rooted in real life.
I spoke with a young man in his twenties named Joe, who moved to New York in 2023. He had recently left a D.C. seminary, after deciding not to become a Catholic priest. One day, a friend invited him to an event at Sovereign House. A bartender served drinks from behind a vintage hotel desk; a phone booth sat nearby. “What is this place?” Joe wondered.
Some of the guests were aligned with the new tech right, or with the crypto world. This is the world that Allen came out of: after graduating from high school, in 2012, he did some volunteer work for Namecoin, a blockchain project associated with the late internet activist Aaron Swartz, and helped launch a new cryptocurrency. Sovereign House also had a strong religious current. “If you’re a crypto guy, you’d be, like, ‘Wow, there’s a lot of Catholics here,’ ” Joe said. On Sundays, a group of Sovereign House regulars would go to the Basilica of St. Patrick’s Old Cathedral for the 7 P.M. service, formally known as the young-adult Mass but colloquially understood as the Hot Mass. (Allen is stubbornly Protestant, despite attending Mass with his girlfriend.) Old St. Pat’s was about as trad as you could get without going to Latin Mass: singing in Latin, a rail where Mass-goers kneel to receive the Eucharist. Afterward, the group would go out drinking together. “People are looking for meaning,” Joe said. “They’re looking for an identity.” He met people at Sovereign House who’d started their religious journey after messaging with people on X, or in tandem with their political transformation. “I genuinely believe God works through all of that,” he said.
At Sovereign House, Allen and Easton curated a list of heterodox, and sometimes controversial, speakers. Some were on the left, such as Norman Finkelstein, the anti-Zionist academic. Many were on the right. Steve Sailer, a writer, stopped by on his book tour; he’s a proponent of human-biodiversity theory, which suggests that genetic differences such as race are correlated with group-wide differences in traits like intelligence—what some would call race science. Curtis Yarvin, an influential right-wing blogger, also promoted his book there. The right-wing X personality Raw Egg Nationalist hosted a screening of a Tucker Carlson documentary about the decline in testosterone levels among American men. There were also some surprising pairings, such as Sohrab Ahmari, a conservative Catholic who did a book talk with Bhaskhar Sunkara, a democratic socialist who has led both The Nation and Jacobin.
“There was something freeing about being in a place where everyone was a little bit deemed unorthodox,” Caroline Downey, a National Review writer, told me. Many Conservative Gen Z-ers were high schoolers during the first Trump era. “If you were interested in right-wing politics, you were the weird kid in school—super far right, Nazi, crazy,” the young Trump Administration official told me. “We all kind of experienced the same bullshit. There’s this collective hate for everything we had to go through.” Sovereign House was high-trust—a place where they belonged.

One evening this spring, around fifty people milled around Sovereign House dressed in formal attire. They were there for a meeting of the James Duane Society, a literary-debating group. A framed portrait of James Duane, New York City’s first mayor following the Revolution, sat on a small table at the front of the room, the way a photograph of Grandma might be displayed at her funeral. Duane was chosen as the society’s namesake because, as Allen put it, “he was, like, based.” (A 1938 biography describes Duane, one of America’s Founding Fathers, as a man “opposed to hasty social revolution.”)
Literary-debating societies are a bit like high-school debate groups, but with everyone LARPing as members of the House of Lords. That night’s topic was “Resolved: Myth Is Superior to History,” a discussion about how history is recorded and what gets remembered. Some debaters used nicknames; Allen’s was Gentleman from the Sovereign State. (“It’s like prison names!” he said.) Regrettably, there was no apparent time limit on the speeches. Every now and then, a sergeant-at-arms brandishing a sword told chattering attendees to shut up. Several other swords were hidden around Sovereign House; Allen wasn’t sure how many. One stayed by the door. “Sometimes homeless people try to get in,” Allen said, and “someone will take it and poke ’em in the chest.” (Allen later clarified that it was only one time, and that the sword never touched anyone, and that it remained sheathed.)
Later, I asked Allen why all the debaters, and most of the attendees, were men. “I think guys like to debate more than girls,” he said. “They like the structure.” He went on, “The girls are here for more aesthetic reasons—they’re with a guy, they’re interested in the spectacle, they want to dress up.” He pointed out notable people in attendance: Dasha Nekrasova, an actress and a co-host of the “Red Scare” podcast. A lawyer who had recently got a job in the Justice Department. A guy who worked at Palantir, the software company co-founded by Peter Thiel.
Every other month or so, the James Duane Society convenes for a toasting session, where the members sometimes sing tunes from a custom songbook. The titles range from “America the Beautiful” to the apartheid-era South African national anthem. There are also satirical original songs, composed by the society’s members. Take “Trump Rest You Merry, Patriots,” set to the tune of the Christmas carol:
And so we stormed the Capitol
That January day
Turned over the election,
Hanged Mike Pence on our way.
Now Trump shall reign forever
With liberals kept at bay!
O tidings of Trump-fort and joy . . .
Allen told me that these songs are written as part of the debates, and that the authors may not actually agree with the lyrics. This particular song was submitted for “Resolved: The Mob Should Rule.” (The resolution failed.)
During the history-versus-myth debate, participants effortlessly toggled between provocative jokes and earnest argument. One speaker contended that myths are more useful than history, and that they define our politics. He gave the example of fire trucks spraying Black children with water during civil-rights protests—at which people laughed and stomped. Jokes were made about women and all academics being “stupid and gay or whatever.” At one point, an attendee in the back started shouting, “JEW! JEW! JEW!” (Another member told me this may have been a reference to an Alex Jones meme.) A speaker was chastised for not wearing a tie and was offered a loaner: what Allen referred to as the “autism tie,” decorated with brightly colored puzzle pieces that are used as a symbol by the autism community. Allen described the group’s taste for provocation as a meaningful exercise in trust-building: “Prove you’re not a cop. Do this line of cocaine.” It was meta-satire, he said—a knowing performance of lib-trolling among friends, which allowed them to have more authentic conversations. Matt Gasda, the playwright, formed a different impression after visiting a few times: people there weren’t “just testing the system of Sovereign House—whether it’s free-speech absolutist, whatever. They’re also testing to see if people will like them even if their weird, dark impulses come out.”
One of Allen’s goals, in taking a bunch of people from the internet and encouraging them to foster an in-person community, was to transcend the grievance culture that’s so pervasive on social media—the outrage and mockery directed toward the left. Still, outlandish offensiveness was the local dialect, even in real life. “There’s a highly combustible, cathartic, and reactionary energy that has been bubbling up in young people over the last few years,” Elena Velez, the fashion designer, told me. “I’d go as far as calling Sovereign House the epicenter of that exhaust valve.”
The simplest way to visualize the generational shift in American politics is through voting patterns. In 2020, fifty-six per cent of men aged eighteen to twenty-nine voted for Joe Biden, according to an analysis by a Tufts University research center. In 2024, fifty-six per cent of men in this age group voted for Trump. Young women favored Kamala Harris, but they also moved right, by eight percentage points.
Sovereign House captures and complicates this trend. Some of the cohort are, “like, Zoomers for Trump,” Allen told me. (Born in 1992, he’s technically a millennial, but he told me that he has a “Gen Z soul.”) However, Allen also described voting as “a meme” that co-opts people into preëxisting political identities, and he did not vote in the 2024 election. “We love the fact that we have this strongman who makes us laugh,” he said. “But we understand the bit, and we’re not going to be sucked into this.”
Sometimes it seemed like Allen was trying to have it both ways: he rejected political classification while cultivating a proximity to power. Before the 2024 election, Trump made a visit to Pubkey, a Bitcoin-themed bar in the city owned by one of Allen’s friends. The owner thanked Allen afterward; he had met a former White House staffer, who helped make the visit happen, at Sovereign House. In November, Sovereign House held an election watch party, co-hosted by Polymarket, a crypto-based betting market, and Remilia, an internet collective known for making N.F.T.s of an anime cartoon known as Milady. Guests ate McDonald’s, and a Trump impersonator showed up. Attendees wore MAGA hats, which were typically banned at Sovereign House. (When GQ wrote about the party and included a photograph of a girl in a micro-bikini and a MAGA hat, Allen was chagrined. “Extremely low class,” he told me.)
Allen does have genuine political beliefs; he is deeply interested, for example, in efforts to reindustrialize America and make it more competitive. He runs a nonprofit called the Frontier Foundation, which advocates for “freedom cities,” or zones with minimal federal regulation that would allow companies to more freely develop technologies—beta-testing drones with more flexible regulation from the Federal Aviation Administration, for example. (The foundation used to share an address with the Conservative Partnership Institute, an influential Trumpworld organization, though Allen said that his lawyer chose that address, and that the groups have no connection.) Trump promoted freedom cities on the campaign trail, and Allen claimed that people in his camp had met with the Interior Secretary, Doug Burgum. He also said he sees these efforts as not particularly partisan.
Over time, Sovereign House came to be not just a hang-out spot, but also a network of like-minded people, some of whom have gone on to exert their influence in politics and media. A generation ago, those who wanted status in the conservative movement would go to Yale or Harvard, or work at the Heritage Foundation or the American Enterprise Institute. “It’s a way to get around those usual gatekeeping institutions,” Max Bodach, who works in tech policy at a center-right think tank, told me. “You just have to go talk to Nick.”
Some critics have used a different word to describe Sovereign House—one that’s also often aimed at the Trump Administration. “There’s definitely a lot of ideas that would be accurately defined as ‘fascist’ that are discussed at Sovereign House,” Mike Crumplar, a Substack writer adjacent to the scene, told me. “You’re not really going to get Black Shirts there. You’re not getting the Proud Boys. You’re getting this archetypal failed-artist hipster who is an opportunist and sees this moment of opportunity for their own personal advancement.” Nick Dove, a photographer and a writer who spent time at Sovereign House, said that many of his friends believed the attendees “were aiding and abetting the takeover of the American government by the New Right and by Trump”—that they were “right-wing fascists who were very reactionary in their social beliefs, particularly when it came to women, or minorities, or people of different sexual orientations.”
Last year, Benjamin Teitelbaum, an ethnographer at the University of Colorado Boulder who follows right-wing movements, approached Allen about the scene at Sovereign House, and Allen invited him to give a talk. Teitelbaum told me that what he saw there felt politically significant. He was struck by how the right is making inroads with demographic groups typically associated with the left: city dwellers, art lovers, young people. “You need to have scenes. And you need to be having fun,” he said. “This is the sort of thing one would need to do to build a lasting political cause.”
Teitelbaum thinks people who write off Sovereign House as “fascist” are making a mistake. “What we’re doing is singing a little lullaby to ourselves,” he said. “We’re absolved of any responsibility to learn anything new.”
In the spring, Sovereign House came to an end. Allen’s lease had run out. Luckily, he had already started scheming his next project. He had secured a long-term space nearby, for a new venue he would call Reign. Sovereign House had rarely charged attendees for events; Allen said he had bankrolled the place. In contrast, Reign would be financed through a membership model—an annual fee of three thousand dollars. “I’m not trying to make money,” Allen told me. “I’m trying to make this sustainable for the next fifteen to thirty years.”
Another reason for moving to a more selective model was Sovereign House’s problem with kooks and outright racists. A lot of the internet personalities who showed up “remained in character,” Gasda, the playwright, told me. “There’s a pleasure in reifying your own online performance—finding a space where you can be the frog guy IRL.” Cassidy Grady moved her series “Confessions” to KGB, a Soviet-themed bar in the East Village. (Allen told me he had come to feel that the content was blasphemous—the event was on Sundays. Grady said she began to feel “a pathetic sense of right-wing desperation from the Sovereign House-guy types which made them uncool and pathetic.”) Eventually, Gasda began politely declining invitations to Sovereign House events. “Whatever Sovereign House was, it just didn’t feel worth it to me,” he said.
Allen suggested that his critics were happy to go to Sovereign House when they thought it was cool, and only distanced themselves to protect their own clout. He also said there had always been outer limits to who was welcome at the venue. Some fans of right-wing figures like Nick Fuentes “hated Sovereign House for not being antisemitic enough,” Matthew Easton told me. Allen said he went to great lengths to keep genuinely bad people from coming back. Still, when I visited Sovereign House this spring, as Allen was cleaning out the space, a plastic plate on which someone had scribbled the words “nigger” and “faggot” fell out of a recess in the brick wall. Allen grabbed the plate, broke it in half, and whisked it into the trash. He insisted that it must have been left by an agitator.
Reign is a chance for a reset, a shift to a more boundaried, gatekept structure. Some former Sovereign House regulars are skeptical that Reign can work. “It’s hard for me to see the true democratic spirit that made Sov fun surviving through a membership fee,” the X user @coldhealing told me. (Easton, for his part, wants to start a Sovereign House-type venue in L.A.) Allen said that, in recruiting for Reign, he’s most interested in potential members’ output—whether they’ve founded a company, say, or written for a publication he admires. He’s not interested in Reign becoming a social club for the New York G.O.P. “There’s much better ways to change the world than doing it through the vector of politics,” he said. “If you’ve worked for a campaign, automatically not allowed.” Young Republicans? “Banned.” (Later: “A soft ban.”)
Allen’s goal is for Reign to feel timeless. He found a rusty-looking, twenty-foot storefront sign that he claims had been made for A24’s upcoming historical drama “Marty Supreme,” and had a friend repaint it with the name “REIGN.” Contractors built custom shelves, installed incandescent lights, and erected cloistered booths where guests can enjoy a drink. Downstairs, in the library, there’s a stage for performances and talks and a pull-down screen for films. Allen collects artifacts like old books and religious tracts, which he will incorporate into exhibits in an upstairs gallery space open to the public. Roughly five hundred people cycled through a recent open house, which featured a display on the Civilian Conservation Corps, the New Deal public-works program. The club will officially open in January.
If Sovereign House was a reactionary “exhaust valve,” as Velez put it, Reign is Allen’s attempt to build something productive, a place that facilitates startups, new ideas, and lifelong friendships. “A marriage—that’s a celebration,” he said. “It’s a remnant of the social contract that has disappeared. I want to foster those things.”
The first night that Joe, the young man who had moved from D.C., showed up at Sovereign House, he noticed a girl across the room named Darby. He didn’t ask her out that night. But when Joe and Darby started dating, their origin story was “We locked eyes at Sovereign House.” The couple became part of the core crowd. “It’s like our Cheers,” Joe said. Allen purchased a mouse from Petco, christening it Sovereign Mouse, and kept it at the bar; later, Darby took care of it. When the mouse died, a group from Sovereign House buried him in Central Park. This past summer, Joe and Darby got married. Many of the groomsmen and bridesmaids were friends from Sovereign House. A statuette of two mice holding hands adorned the wedding cake.
“When the Old Guard fully rolls over, the fact that we all started as twentysomethings together here and just rode it all the way out—the long-term value will accrue,” the young Trump Administration official told me. Allen said that he’s surprised by how few people recognize the way social scenes materialize into political reality. “You build bonds early,” he said. “You grow up together. And then that’s it.” ♦












