On October 26, 1963, just four weeks before he was assassinated, John F. Kennedy travelled to Amherst College to honor an American poet. Robert Frost, who had recited “The Gift Outright” at Kennedy’s Inauguration, had died earlier in the year, at the age of eighty-eight. Now the college was dedicating a library in his name. Kennedy arrived at Amherst by helicopter and, before an audience of students and scholars, paid tribute to the role of the independent artist in society and to Frost himself—“one of the granite figures of our time in America.”
“When power leads man towards arrogance, poetry reminds him of his limitations,” Kennedy said. “When power narrows the areas of man’s concern, poetry reminds him of the richness and diversity of his existence. When power corrupts, poetry cleanses. For art establishes the basic human truth which must serve as the touchstone of our judgment.”
The rhetoric and rhythms of the speech, which was drafted by the historian and Kennedy confidant Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., are high-flown, very much of their era. In “The Kennedy Imprisonment,” Garry Wills was particularly scathing about the New Frontiersmen and their urbane self-fashioning, their determination to leave behind what they saw as the cultural enervation and poky suburbanism of the Eisenhower years. Kennedy’s circle, “the best and the brightest” as David Halberstam would call it, vibrated with Ivy League self-regard. Schlesinger recalled the early days of the Administration in which “Washington seemed engaged in a collective effort to make itself brighter, gayer, more intellectual. . . . One’s life seemed almost to pass in review as one encountered Harvard classmates, wartime associates, faces seen after the war in ADA conventions.” Kennedy’s language at the podium at Amherst would be unimaginable in the mouth of any modern political orator—say, Barack Obama—not because Obama is incapable of Kennedy’s complexity but, rather, because he knows that he would be talking past his audience as much as he was talking to them.
But alongside the flagrant élitism of the Kennedy style was an earnest effort in his Administration to highlight the value of the arts. The Kennedys invited Pablo Casals to the White House, where he played Schumann, Mendelssohn, and Couperin in the East Room. The American Ballet Theatre performed “Billy the Kid.” The Paul Winter Sextet played “Saudade da Bahia.” André Malraux came to dinner. It was at a reception of forty-nine Nobel laureates that Kennedy famously remarked, “I think this is the most extraordinary collection of talent, of human knowledge, that has ever been gathered at the White House, with the possible exception of when Thomas Jefferson dined alone.”
Since the Eisenhower era, there had been a bipartisan effort to build a national cultural center in Washington, D.C. After Kennedy was killed, L.B.J. renamed the center as a living memorial to J.F.K. When it opened, in September, 1971, Leonard Bernstein premièred his “Mass: A Theater Piece for Singers, Players, and Dancers,” and Judith Jamison, of the Alvin Ailey company, performed.
As of this week, thanks to the egocentric exertions of the current President and his obedient underlings and friends, the place has been renamed the Donald J. Trump and the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts. The center’s board, now loaded with loyalists such as Maria Bartiromo and Laura Ingraham, of Fox News, made the grave decision at the Palm Beach manse of the casino magnate Steve Wynn, whose wife, Andrea, sits on the board. When Trump, who had been hinting broadly for the tribute online for months, heard the news, he feigned gratitude and shock. “I was surprised by it,” he said, fibbing effortlessly. The board insisted that the vote had been unanimous, but one Democrat who has yet to be booted from their midst, the Ohio congresswoman Joyce Beatty, said that she had called into the meeting but had been put on mute. “Everything was cut off,” she told Shawn McCreesh of the Times, “and then they immediately said, ‘Well, it’s unanimous. Everybody is for it.’ ” Various members of the Kennedy family (though not the Secretary of Health and Human Services) expressed their chagrin. Maria Shriver, J.F.K.’s niece, called the move “beyond comprehension.” But, with respect, is it really beyond comprehension?
This week, the President and his Administration managed to perform a dizzying array of their most distinguishing qualities. First came the cruelty of Trump’s remarks about the horrific murder of Rob Reiner and his wife, Michele Singer Reiner. Then came the chaotic disclosures of his chief of staff, Susie Wiles, who, during the course of no less than eleven interviews, told a writer for Vanity Fair that the Vice-President was a “conspiracy theorist” and that the President had an “alcoholic’s personality.” Her indiscretions came amid some heavy-lidded meetings in the White House (Wake up, Mr. President!) and Trump’s rant on the economy, in which he furiously assured citizens that things were just great: “Boy, are we making progress!” Trump’s fulmination had about it the whiff of desperation. As his popularity has sunk, many voters who might once have excused his myriad character deficiencies as the sordid price one pays for his alleged virtues now appear to be asking, “What is wrong with this person?”
Trump’s appropriation of naming rights to the Kennedy Center is hardly his worst sin. (It was arguably not even his worst sin of the week.) But it is offensive all the same. This President simply cannot tolerate the degree of freedom and independence that art and artists require. He cannot tolerate the questioning of Kaitlan Collins. Seth Meyers makes him crazy. Why would he value the audacity of the rebellious playwright or the fearless satirist?
There is no need to harbor romantic illusions about John Kennedy. He was a politician, not an artist. In Norman Mailer’s awestruck 1960 essay on J.F.K., “Superman Comes to the Supermarket,” he saw the young President as a heady and glamorous hero of sorts; reality soon erased such fantasies. But Kennedy nonetheless deserves to be the sole name on the façade of the performing-arts center; he recognized the value of artistic liberty in a way that no one with Trump’s authoritarian reflexes ever can. “If art is to nourish the roots of our culture, society must set the artist free to follow his vision wherever it takes him,” Kennedy said at Amherst College.
We must never forget that art is not a form of propaganda; it is a form of truth. In free society, art is not a weapon, and it does not belong to the sphere of polemics and ideology. Artists are not engineers of the soul. It may be different elsewhere. But democratic society—in it, the highest duty of the writer, the composer, the artist is to remain true to himself and to let the chips fall where they may. In serving his vision of the truth, the artist best serves his nation. And the nation which disdains the mission of art invites the fate of Robert Frost’s hired man, the fate of having “nothing to look backward to with pride, and nothing to look forward to with hope.” ♦


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