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Sebastian Galiani on the Marginal Revolution

2026-02-08 02:12:32

The most successful economics blog in the world is called Marginal Revolution.
That is not an accident….

Consider a few common mistakes that reappear whenever marginal thinking is abandoned:

    • Treating the owner’s biography—wealth, identity, status—as if it entered the firm’s marginal conditions. It does not.
    • Confusing redistribution with allocation. Redistribution is a legitimate political choice, but it should not be smuggled into production decisions where it distorts incentives and blocks reallocation.
    • Ignoring opportunity cost. Resources used to sustain one activity are resources not used elsewhere. The relevant question is always: what is the next best alternative?
    • Believing that efficiency is static. In reality, efficiency is dynamic, and depends precisely on the ability of resources to move when margins change.

One of the most uncomfortable implications of marginal analysis is that reallocation is essential. Labor and capital must sometimes leave declining uses so they can enter expanding ones. That process is rarely smooth, and never painless. But blocking it does not make an economy more humane; it makes it poorer.

The twentieth century gave this insight a name. Joseph Schumpeter called it creative destructionJános Kornai warned that when losses are systematically covered—when budget constraints are soft—adjustment never happens, inefficiency becomes chronic, and stagnation follows.

Marginal analysis explains why. If losses have no consequences, margins lose meaning. Prices stop signaling scarcity. Productivity differences stop guiding allocation. The economy becomes a museum of preserved structures rather than a system that adapts.

Excellent throughout, here is the link.

The post Sebastian Galiani on the Marginal Revolution appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

Can government coerce women into having more babies?

2026-02-07 13:33:21

To illustrate this challenge of measurement and inference, Figure 7 presents Romanian birth rates before, during, and after the imposition of an infamously coercive policy aimed at raising births. In 1966, a dictatorial government imposed Decree 770, which banned abortion and made modern contraception effectively inaccessible. The figure extends an idea from Sobotka, Matysiak, and Brzozowska (2019), which compares cohort and period fertility rates in Romania over a similar evaluation window. We add data from Bulgaria, Romania’s neighbor that was also communist during the time of the policy and that might plausibly serve as a control, shedding light on what course Romanian fertility might have followed after 1967 if not for the policy. Panel A plots period birth rates in the two countries and shows that Romania and Bulgaria had substantially similar trends and levels in period total fertility rates before and after the Romanian policy window. Focusing on panel A of Figure 7, it is clear that birth rates in Romania changed dramatically following the start of the policy, as families were taken by surprise. TFR nearly doubled in the year that followed. The sharp timing of this apparent impact following the policy change, together with the availability of data from neighboring Bulgaria to serve as a control, suggests the possibility of a difference-in-differences analysis comparing birth rates pre– and post–Decree 770 in Romania and Bulgaria.

But while such an analysis could answer the narrow question of the causal effect of Decree 770 on the total fertility rate in 1967, it may nonetheless reveal little in terms of the impact of the policy on the number of children Romanian women had over their lifetimes. After the initial rise in TFR, birth rates soon began falling quickly in Romania, as behavior adapted to the new policy regime. If, for example, an unexpected pregnancy results in a birth at a young age in 1968, a woman may choose and succeed at reducing the probability of a pregnancy in subsequent years, and still achieve the same lifetime count of children.
For a discussion of the theoretically ambiguous impact of abortion restrictions on birth rates, see Lawson and Spears (2025). Of course, the extent of persistence from period fertility to completed fertility depends on the details: A shock that encourages earlier-than-desired births, as Romania’s might have, allows for adjustment later in life. But it may be harder, later in life, to adjust for a policy or event shock that leads to fewer births early in life.

Panel B of Figure 7 plots completed cohort fertility. As in earlier figures, cohorts are plotted along the horizontal axis according to the year in which they turned 30. Although Romanian completed cohort fertility began at a higher level than in Bulgaria over the available data series, completed cohort fertility in Romania did not maintain a sizable upward trend relative Bulgaria during the period that Decree 770 was in force.

That is from the recent Geruso and Spears JEP survey piece on whether we can expect fertility rates to rebound in the future.  By the way, after Hungary’s subsidy-driven baby boom, the country is now having a baby bust, it is possible that similar mechanisms are operating.

The post Can government coerce women into having more babies? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

The economics of the NBA trading deadline (from my email)

2026-02-07 06:44:29

From an anonymous correspondent:

Perhaps, as NBA fan, there’s a column to be written about the incentives that drove the NBA trade market: namely the all-out search to avoid/get out of the luxury tax and the looming “tank” battle among the 6 worst teams.  These are both direct results of the recent NBA collective bargaining agreement changes. Of course, as these attempts to regulate behavior go, the ‘benign’ intentions of the regulators are far different from the actions of the rational actors having to live within the system.

The funniest behavior-following-incentive example was orchestrated by the Minnesota Timberwolves.  In step-by-step:

–They traded Mike Conley Jr. + a 1st round pick to the Bulls for “cash”.

–Why would they do this? For two reasons: one above board, one below board.

–Above board: the trade freed up cap room to trade for another Bulls guard, in a separate trade (Ayo Dosunmo). They could not have done that trade, according to cap rules, with Conley on board.

Now the below board, cap and rule circumvention steps:

–The Bulls then re-traded Conley to the Hornets as a ‘throw-in’ portion of a larger trade.

–The Hornets then waived Conley

–Why these moves? Because now Minnesota can re-sign Conley after he was waived.  They would not have been allowed to re-sign him if the Bulls cut him.  (You can’t re-sign a player you traded…unless that player is re-traded).

There will, of course, be no evidence that Minnesota set this whole process up during the step 1 portion.  But, human intuition would say: of course this was all part of Minnesota’s original plan.

And then economically: I challenge any business, anywhere, to have executed a better cost-savings strategy than the Boston Celtics did this year.  They left last off-season with a looming $540mm salary + luxury tax bill for this 2025-26 season.  Through a series of trades, they have cut that down to $190mm – and have fully avoided the luxury tax. Most amazingly: they are a better team today than they were at end of last year. That is $350mm in savings in one year, with a quality improvement to boot! Unheard of efficiency.

Sadly: the worst part of the NBA overregulation world will now commence.  6-8 teams will spend the rest of the year trying to lose every game.  Losing profits in this world, through the ‘logic’ of the NBA draft lottery.

At any rate, a fun day for any NBA fan – but especially for the economically-minded. Incentives matter!

TC again: I would not have expected the major trade stories to involve the Washington Wizards…

The post The economics of the NBA trading deadline (from my email) appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.

How much is childlessness the fertility problem?

2026-02-07 03:22:12

The average decline in fertility among these recent cohorts relative to the cohorts preceding them by 20 years was 0.25 births. Of this decline, 0.09 births, or 37 percent of the gap, is statistically accounted for by increased childlessness in the later cohort. The remaining 0.16 births, or 63 percent of the gap, is accounted for by declines in fertility among the parous.

A similar analysis can be used to decompose differences across districts in India, where the difference to be decomposed is across districts for women born in the same set of years, with two groups of districts defined by having the lowest and highest cohort fertility rates. Unsurprisingly, given panel B of Figure 5, almost all of this difference—94 percent—is accounted for by the difference in fertility among the parous. Differing patterns of childlessness account for only 6 percent of the gap between high-fertility and low-fertility districts.

That is from a new and useful JEP survey article by Michael Geruso and Dean Spears.  The main concern of the authors is whether we can ever expect a fertility rebound.

The post How much is childlessness the fertility problem? appeared first on Marginal REVOLUTION.